18thC JAMAICA MAITLANDS


Issue Date: 17/1/2013

Home Page

Footnotes removed before websave.

 

CONTENTS

FURTHER RESEARCH NOTES 1-1

SOURCES: 1-1

1.        KNOWN MAITLAND FAMILY 1-1

JOHN MAITLAND 1-1

Deeds re John Maitland 1-4

RICHARD MAITLAND 1-5

Privateer Letter of Marque – John as Surgeon 1-7

Privateer Letter of Marque – Richard as Captain 1-8

2.        DUNDRENNAN MAITLANDS IN LONDON: 2-1

West India Committee: 2-2

London Directories 2-3

Florida Maitlands 2-4

3.        The PARCHMENTS of Southfield Penn 3-1

RICHARD PARCHMENT, 3-1

JOHN PARCHMENT 3-1

Sarah Maitland 3-2

Andrew Bromfield 3-7

4.        ADMIRALTY RECORDS: 4-1

RICHARD MAITLAND IN GEORGIA 1775 4-5

Richard Maitland’s Tea Party 4-8

Capture of the Philippa 4-10

Ebeneezer Smith Platt 4-14

5.        BACKGROUND INFORMATION 5-1

SHADWELL 5-1

A detailed history of St Paul's Shadwell 5-2

PRO 17/11/08: 5-4

Priestley Machine 5-4

The Atlantic 5-5

Search Our Georgia History 5-6

Richard Maitland in Florida 5-7

Maitlands of Pittrichie: 5-9

6.        PRO Docs Ref Savannah 6-1

PRO TS 11/1057 Pack 4710 6-1

ESP 952 Richard M letter – 5/1/1777: 6-1

ESP 998 Richard M to Wm Chamberlain 30/01/1777 6-1

920 – Richard M to Chamberlain - 6/1/1777 6-1

924 – Platt to Capt Hughes, Cantaur - 4/12/1776 6-2

926: - Admiral Gaydon to M Stephens - 25/7/1776 6-2

934-5-6 – Bensted to Chamberlain - 13/1/1777 6-4

7.        Changes: 7-1



FURTHER RESEARCH NOTES


Richard Maitland, Excise Officer & ch John M 7/11/1735 Banff
PRO: Cust 47 Appointments & Postings
T 45 Pay last piece ref 10.


SOURCES:


Denny Swaby[i]
David Bromfield[ii]
Michael Sandford[iii]
Louise Currie[iv]
London Metropolitan Archives


1.  KNOWN MAITLAND FAMILY


This paper contains what is known of John Maitland and his probable father, Richard Maitland.

JOHN MAITLAND

AM08/01


Parents: (Probable) Richard & Sarah Maitland
Will: Dated 25 October 1786, proved 24 January 1787,
Inventory: entered 20 May 1787.

A John Maitland appears as surgeon on a ship, the Hungerford, which was granted Letter of Marque in London in May 1761. Richard Maitland was the master of the Philippa which was also granted Letters of Marque in April of the same year. This is likely to have been early in John’s career.

When John died in Jamaica his will described him as a planter and merchant of St Elizabeth with a mother Sarah; he was described as "Captain" in his inventory. This confirmed that he was a mariner sailing to or around Jamaica. He is known to have been the Captain of the "Atlantic" in 1775 when one of his seamen was buried in Black River. Between 1784 and his death, he bought various plots of land in St Elizabeth. The Atlantic was subject of correspondence following the death of a sailor in a brawl on board in the Tagus River in 1776. John Maitland was not then master (see full PRO extracts later in this paper).

A likely scenario is that John sailed into Black River, settled there and bought several plots of land, including a piece on the shore to the west of Black River town centre (there are a number of early houses along the road, one of which might have been the site of John’s first house). He seemed to have been a banker, lending money to various people in the area. He had 2 children by Rebecca Wright, a woman of
colour whose mother seemed to have been a woman of substance in her own right. His brother-in-law (“common law”!), Hyem Cohen, was in the same business, but in a very much bigger way – most of the local families seemed to owe him money! Hyem’s personal estate was about £4.5M in 2008.

At the moment (3/09), there is no proven evidence of his parents. In his will of October 1786, he named his mother as Sarah, but his father is not mentioned, presumably dead by then. The names of his sons can give a clue: Francis and Richard (Francis was probably named after Rebecca’s probably father, Francis Wright). It is probable that his parents were Richard & Sarah Maitland of Shadwell, Middlesex; see under Richard Maitland for the reasons. The notice of his death in the London Gazette describes him as “formerly of London but late of Black River Jamaica.”

There was a mariner, Richard Maitland, whose will dated 1740 (of Shadwell in Middlesex/Essex), but proved 1779 (Canterbury), with a wife Sarah. This will makes no mention of any children, but the 39 years between its drafting and proving leaves plenty of time for them to appear. The coincidence of this Richard being a mariner and having a wife Sarah makes him a possibility. A Richard Maitland was Master of a merchant ship in a convoy between England and the West Indies in early 1757.

As Richard’s will of 1740 does not mention any children. It is probable that any children of Richard & Sarah born before that date would have been young. John is unlikely to have been born after 1755 to be a Captain by 1775. If the John shipping as surgeon in 1761 is ours, he is thus unlikely to have been born much after 1741.

An extensive search of the IGI & Scottish OPR’s does not reveal any obvious certainties. From Richard Maitland’s letters and activities, it would seem that he came from a rather higher social background than an ordinary sailor or farm worker. None of the main family trees have a suitable combination of Richard & John and timing.

A Richard Maitland owned property in, amongst others, St Elizabeth to the North East of Lacovia (Biscany) in the 1740’s. His will was proved in 1763, and makes no mention of offspring and only a wife Elizabeth. As our John Maitland appears to have originated from London, it is very unlikely that this Richard was his father, legitimate or not. It is not impossible that there was a relationship which could explain the St Elizabeth connection, but this is not a very likely scenario as this Richard died long before John appeared in Jamaica.

Scottish OPR’s:

This is a christening that would have fitted John & Richard’s death dates:

1. Banff Nov 7 (1735):
John lawful son of Richard Maitland Excise Officer was baptized Nov 9th Wit: John Ogilvie, Colln John Maitland, Ogilvie Sheriff John Ru??, John Gordon, John Nobb?, John Cruikshank, John Monro and John Duffus Mort?

The witness Colonel John Maitland was probably a son of the 5th earl of Lauderdale, and brother of Charles, 6th Earl. This leads to the question of who this Richard was – he must have been closely connected to the Colonel’s family. According to Scots Peerage, this John, a Colonel in the Guards, had 2 uncles, Thomas & Alexander, both of whose succession is unclear in SP – could Richard Maitland have been one of these?? Maybe Richard was an illegitimate son of one of the sons of the 3rd Earl; they seemed to have married rather late in life!

No sign of Richard Maitland 1690-1717 in the Scottish OPR’s.

This church seems to have been of some social consequence at the time – the entry above had Lord Bracco as a witness – he became Earl of Fife.

This second alternative looks unlikely as our Richard Maitland was in Shadwell by 1740, and does looks too humble for the sort of man Richard Maitland seems to have been.
2. Jan 8th (1740) Richard Maitland in Cowbridgdale had a child baptized named John before witnesses Robert Maitland and FFr Sinclair both in Cowbridge
On same page:
Decr 18 (1739) John Maitland in Oyne had a daughter baptized Beatrix before witnesses John Harper and Jas Anderson both in Kirktown
Apr 1st (1740) The said day Francis Sinclair in Cowbridge had a child baptized named Hugh witnesses Robert Maitland and Wm Milne in Cowbridgdale
Oyne to the North East of Aberdeen.
Also Agnes Maitland of Richard at Oyne, 10/2/1738. Richard Maitland of Parkbras
Also Robert Maitland in Milne of Woothace?? had Helen 10/9/1738



Excise Men


National Archives:
The Excise Board Minute Books in CUST 47, covering 1695 to 1867, can be used to find appointments and postings of Excise men. There are also Excise Entry Papers in CUST 116, covering 1820 to 1870; these have an alphabetical card index in the Open Reading Room. The Entry Papers contain pairs of letters folded together. One letter is a recommendation for appointment, giving details of name, age, place of birth, marital status and a character reference. The other letter is from the excise officer responsible for training of the new recruit, giving details of their abilities. Irish Excise records can be found in CUST 110 and CUST 119.

Pay lists for Excise men in England and Wales can be found in T 44, covering 1705 to 1835. Lists for Scotland are in T 45, covering 1708 to 1832.

Cust 47 Index between 9/1/1721 (vol 100) and 16/4/1739 (vol 170), contained no references to any Richard Maitland – judging from the number of officers, this probably covers England rather than Scotland. Some names reoccurred a number of times, showing that the individuals were moved around not infrequently.

T45/1:
North Britain. Ann Account of the Officers and Employments under the Commissioners of Excise in Scotland existing on 24 June 1708, being the Termination of the first year of their management with the Number of Officers employed at that time and their respective salaries as ordered by the Votes of the Honble House of Commons of 15th February 1779.
Officers within the Office (inter alia):
John Maitland, examiner of the Country Officers Excise Books (one of 4)
Original Salary £40 pa, Present salary £40, joined 25 March 1709.
Richard Maitland does not appear in the lists at £35 pa, but they appear to be as at 1708, probably before his time.

The original establishment had 260 gaugers.

T45/3, “establishment of officers for North Britain for salt duty” had no relevance.

T45/4: 1733 piece 9B
Richard Maitland, gauger, 335, Aberdeen collection, 24 February 1732-3


”Atlantic” was built in 1773 in South Carolina by James Black of Beaufort County (maybe Port Royal, SC), weighed 260 tons and owned by Richard Maitland, John Maitland & Alexander Rose. (P 184 of “The History of Beaufort County, South Carolina: 1514-1861” By Lawrence Sanders Rowland, Alexander Moore, George C. Rogers, Google Books extract – P208 refers to the Philippa) – see below for more on the Atlantic.

This ownership of “Atlantic” indicates a connection between Alexander Rose, John & Richard Maitland: an Alexander Rose was in Jamaica, and has been seen in the deed indices. Rebecca Wright’s mother Patty, according to the parish record entry, was a slave belonging to Roderick Rose. Alexander Rose may have been from Inverness. Correspondence between him and John MacIntosh of Inverness exists, one letter of 1791 decrying the abolition of slavery. (Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world, 1750-1820 By Douglas Hamilton, reference given in this publication [Google books]). Alexander Rose owned property near Giddy Hall in early 19thC. Patty & Rebecca’s manumission by the Forbes & Wright families makes the Rose connection look less likely to be correct.

John’s will left his estate to Rebecca Wright, her sons Francis & Richard and to his mother Sarah. Dated 25 October 1786, proved in Jamaica January 1787. Humphrey Colquhoun and Hyem Cohen Executors; He is described as a merchant and planter of St Elizabeth.
Note: Rebecca made bequests to nephews and nieces Alexander, Henry, Catherine and Caroline Cohen.

London Gazette
9 June 1787, p2 of 4:
The Creditors of Captain John Maitland, formerly of London, but late of Blackriver, Jamaica, deceased, are desired to send a particular account of their respective Demands to Mr. Robert Steel, Token-house-yard, Lothbury, or to Mr James Sutherland, Notary Public, Birchin lane, Cornhill, in order that the same ay be properly authenticated and transmitted to Captain Maitland’s Executors, agreeable to their Request.
15 January 1788, The Creditors of Capt. John Maitland, late of Black River in Jamaica, deceased, are desired to send their accounts against his Estate, proved under the City Seal, to his Executors, Mess Hyem Cohen and Humphrey Colquoun, of Blackriver aforesaid, or to Mr Robert Steell of Tokenhouseyard London, to be forwarded to them, as such of the said Creditors who do not so prove their Accounts, will be excluded from the Dividend of the said Deceased’s Effects intended shortly to be made amongst such of the Creditors as have already proved, or who shall forthwith prove and transmit their Accounts as above directed.

John’s personal property inventory totalled £6135 (about £680,000 in 2008), of which £1880 was in slaves, £1693 in debts supposed to be good, £617 in debts “supposed to be dubious” and £788 in debts “supposed to be bad”.
His inventory includes a Priestley's machine (see later section for full description) an early electrostatic generator, which would have made long sparks, 2 German flutes and 123 books. These items might indicate him as being a man of an educated and enquiring mind.

Rebecca Wright was probably (she was bought and manumitted by him as a baby) the daughter of Francis Wright of the South Jamaican family of that name, a prominent family in of Vere and St Elizabeth, and became a woman of some substance, leaving significant property in her will. Her tombstone is still visible in Black River Churchyard. She was the daughter of Patty Penford, a mulatto slave.
See under Rebecca’s file for more on this.



Partner: Rebecca Wright.
Issue:
1/1. Francis Maitland (ch 25/2/1784),
1/2. Richard Maitland (ch 4/8/1786) (StE PR)

Presumed died between 1789 and 1806 – mentioned in grandmother Patty Penford’s will but not in mother’s



Also in Kingston PR:
William Maitland bapt 25/8/1794, son of Milborough Merchant by John Maitland, mulatto.

IGI has nothing for this line.
only John in right period:
John Maitland, Born 25 FEB 1733.
Christening:  01 MAR 1733 Saint Dunstan In The East, London.
Parents: Thomas & Elizabeth.

IGI etc:
John M s of John & Sarah Maitland, Birth:  26 MAR 1786 Christening:  21 APR 1786   Saint Leonards, Shoreditch, London

Thomas M s of John & Sarah Maitland, Birth:  17 DEC 1788 Christening:  28 JAN 1789   Saint Leonards, Shoreditch, London


John M m. SARAH MOUNTGOMERY  06 MAR 1734   Glasgow, Lanark, 

20/4/06: Jamaica PR's searched for John M bth & bur & Rebecca's burial: St E, Kingston, Hannover, Vere, Clarendon, Westmoreland.

Deeds re John Maitland


327/64 Joseph Ball to John Maitland
Ent 1/6/1784
Joseph Ball of Westmoreland, Gent conveyed to John Maitland, mariner of Jamaica.
£35 for parcel of land situate at Black River Bay, Butting and Bounding Northerly on the King's road 43 feet and East & West on land of John Campbell and Southerly on the sea.

336/130 1785
Between William Gale of St Elizabeth, esq conveyed to John Maitland mariner.
£100 for 75 acres called "Pond Side", bounded Westerly by the Great Pond, North, South and East on land patented in the name of John Banks in St Elizabeth

338/26 29 June 1785
Between John March of St Elizabeth Carpenter conveyed to John Maitland.
£300 for 100 acres bounded south by Humphrey Colquhoun, west by Lewis Robinson, North by Henry Lewis and East by Samuel Foster.
Plat attached did not show anything more.

Deeds in Jamaica, LOS 340/113, entered 26 January 1786:
John Maitland to Samuel Manley or Meanley (??? spelling)
Indenture made 26 June 1783 between John Maitland of St Elizabeth, mariner, and Samuel M. of St Elizabeth, Planter. From JM to SM In consideration of £81, parcel of land containing by estimate 54 1/2 acres lying in the Valle de Vache Savanna, Easterly & southerly on Waldish, northerly on the river called Bridge River and westerly on unsurveyed morass.
Maybe Valle de Vache Savannah was what became Bull Savannah, near the Milk River.
(Thought to be in what is now Westmoreland, may be near Negril and the Carabita River).
Another possibility would be what on the 1804 map is Walde Vaca Morass, to the South East of Black River.

Samuel Manley owed Hyem Cohen £18/10/- at HC's death.

Bruce, William, Buried 26/1/1775, St. Elizabeth, church yard; sailor belonging to the "Atlantic," John Maitland Master. PR checked AM.
Directories, John Maitland:
1783/4, Lowndes London Directory, Merchant Commerce, 79 Basinghall St. Probably not ours.




RICHARD MAITLAND

AM09/01


Recorded issue of Richard Maitland:
Issue of Richard and Sarah, mariner, ch at St Paul, Shadwell
(PR XO24/128, 1738-1762, London Metropolitan Archives):
1/1. Richard Mateland, 13/5/1744, of King James Stairs.

1/2. Francis Maitland, 16/10/1745, of King James Stairs.
1/3. Mary Elizabeth Maitland, 28/6/1747, of King James Stairs.
1/4. Sarah Maitland, 26/12/1751, of Shakespeare Walk.
1/5. Sarah Maitland, 24/1/1757, of Shakespeare Walk.
1/6. Charles Maitland, 19/6/1758, of Shakespeare Walk.

Additionally:
1/7. John Maitland.

Also:
1712-1715:
John son of Richard & Ann Madland, ch St Paul Shadwell, 30/5/1714 & 8/3/1715 of Spring St, Mariner.


It is highly probable that this is the father of our John Maitland because:
1. John’s mother was Sarah (John’s will).
2. John’s sons were Francis and Richard (Richard & Sarah had a son Francis).
3. Both Richard and John were mariners.
4. There is a probable connection with sugar bakers in King James Stairs and Shakespeare Walk in the period, and hence with the New World.
6. A John Maitland shipped as a surgeon on a privateer a few weeks after Richard Maitland was granted Letters of Marque as a privateer in 1761.
7. A ship, the Atlantic was built in South Carolina, owners Richard & John Maitland & Alexander Rose.

At 3/09, there is no indication of the origins of this Richard Maitland. He could have been a Scot (a few Sinclairs were seen in the PR’s). It is quite likely that he was a member of the Dundrennan branch who were in London at the same time as Richard, and were trading in the West Indies. There is “space” for a brother a year or two younger than Robert Maitland of King’s Arms Yard. An unidentified Richard Maitland was on the West India Committee in 1769; could this have been him?
Was the Charles Maitland whose will Richard witnessed a relative such as brother or cousin?

IGI: Richard Maitland son of Richard Maitland, ch 30/3/1706 Fyvie, Aberdeen.
Also: Peter 11/3/1700, George 13/4/1702, Jean 20/5/1704, Mary 5/6/1708, Agnes 14/10/1716. Probably not relevant.
 
Richard Maitland was a mariner of Shadwell in London who made a will in 1740 naming his wife Sarah, but it was not proved until 27/2/1779, with administration going to Sarah. In the preamble, he mentions the “...fortunes and dangers of the seas...”, so it is probable that he made this will early in his seagoing career and soon after his marriage as there is no mention of any children.

As the will was proved at Canterbury, Richard must have owned property in more than one diocese, quite possibly abroad. He may therefore have left significant property.

The parish records on film at the London Metropolitan Archives have been searched for any children in the period 1732-1760 in St Paul’s, Shadwell and in St John, Wapping and St Anne, Limehouse for intervals in that period, all 3 of which parishes are not on the IGI. Marriages were searched for 1736-40 for St George in the East, Shadwell and Limehouse with no success. Marriages for the relevant period do not appear for Wapping. Shadwell & Wapping burials were also checked for Richard’s death with no success. See below for Shadwell and Waterman’s Stairs. Burials for St George in the East & St Dunstan in the East checked, nothing found.

There are several children baptised in Shadwell to Richard & Sarah, including a son Francis an unusual but not unknown name at the time. There is no John listed. However there are some long gaps with no children appearing. None were found in Wapping or Limehouse for the periods of the gaps. It would appear that Richard was settled in Shadwell as the addresses in Shadwell on the baptismal entries were all close to one another, firstly at King James Stairs and latterly at Shakespeare Walk. As stated above, it is highly likely that our John was the son of this couple; he does not seem to be recorded in the parishes round the Thames docks and so it is possible that he was born on ship or out of England.

Richard Maitland’s abode in St James Stairs is interesting as there was a sugar baker’s at there at least between 1749-62, and slightly later in Shakespeare Walk. As Richard was a mariner (as opposed to a (Thames) Waterman), he may well have been a deep sea seaman in the West Indian Sugar trade, with his son John following. This would explain how John M appeared in Jamaica as a man of substance.

There are several mentions of Richard Maitland, which are probably ours, in the National Archives.

The Duke, Master Rich’d Maitland, Ship, London, 20 men, 10 guns, 360 tons, from London, to Virginia, Ballast, ordered 7th March 1757.


Richard Maitland was involved in an incident at the start of the American War of Independence when his ship, The Phillipa, carrying munitions was taken by a rebel armed schooner off Savannah, Georgia in June 1775, following which Ebeneezer Smith Platt was arraigned for High Treason. See full description later in this paper. The collection of papers held at the National Archives have been copied and make interesting reading.
There are several letters written by Richard Maitland, showing him to be an educated man, and one who held strong opinions.
A Richard Maitland was also involved in an incident with tea in Charles Town  (SC) in 1774.

A Charles Maitland, a mariner with the Navy, left a will dated 22 June, 1759 and proved in 1775. Like Richard’s he mentions the perils of the sea.
He made his wife, Rebecca, his heir & executor.
He was a mariner of Shadwell in 1759, and still of Shadwell and master of His Majesty’s Ship Aurora in 1772.
Witnesses were Richard Maitland & John Smith.

No sign of him in the London directories of the 1770’s.

Some transactions recorded as Deeds indicate that A Richard Maitland was trading, maybe financing, in Jamaica in the 1740’s. He bought 700 acres of land, 100 in St Elizabeth & 2 parcells of 300 in Westmoreland in 1746 from James & Daniel Grant, to whom it had just been granted, for £J700. He then sold the combined 600 acres in Westmoreland for £150 to Isaac Gale 26/11/1748. He sold the 100 acres in St Elizabeth for £J1108, including some slaves and stock. A further transaction was recorded of Richard Maitland taking a mortgage on 10 slaves from Alexander Dallas for £J700 in 1755. This Richard Maitland is referred to as a planter in one deed, and so was probably resident there at the time.


Other sites suggest the following sibling of John Maitland:
Sarah Maitland, born abt 10/1746, bapt 23/1/1748 – see below under Parchments.

A Sarah Maitland is recorded as owning a negro Creole slave, Fibba aged 65 in 1817 in St Elizabeth. Sarah signed with her mark.

St Andrew Parish: (film 1291698) Mary Maitland, bapt 28/6/1740, a quadroon child of Richard Maitland born of the mulatto slave of Mrs Laws.


PRO ADM 1/235, Admiral's despatches, Jamaica 1713-1789,
1757-1760 Lists and Indexes, Admiralty XVIII p3.
Admiral Coates to the Secretary of the Admiralty.
HMS Marlborough, Spithead, 7 March 1757. Sends list of ships under his Convoy, with the promise of a more exact account of them at the first opportunity. Enclosure mentions the Loe and the Duke, masters, John Johnson and Richard Maitland, bound for Virginia laden with merchandize. 11 ff.
The Duke, Richard Maitland, Ship, (Belonging) London, 20 men, 10 guns 360 tons, From London, to Virginia, Ballast. Convoy 91 ships.
A fuller copy extract from Admiral Coates’s reports is in “Maitland Extracts” File.

ref Louis Currie: There is an admiralty record of the Duke just having left Jamaica.

A Richard Maitland & others petitioned in 24/1/1765 the provincial Council of West Florida for confirmation of the validity of his purchase of Estate Santiago el Grande from the Spanish. This may be ours, but also could have been one of the known Dundrennan (King’s Arms yard) Maitlands.

A Richard Maitland wrote to Thomas Bradshaw in 1767, but this may one of the King’s Arms Yard:

T 1/461/257-258
Dr Sir,
by the best Information I can get from Grenada, I am pretty certain that neither the Generall, Chief Judge or any other officers, have lately received any of their Salaries, on Account of the Capitation tax not being paid. And what confirms me in this opinion is my having received Letters, with Directions to apply to the Treasury on this Subject.
A have the Honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obd Servt
Richd Maitland
Mark lane,
11 Nov 1767.
Obituary of Richard Maitland of Mark Lane, 12/5/1775, GM 255.


Privateer Letter of Marque – John as Surgeon


HCA 26/12/101

Indexed at /99


These records were on prewritten/printed forms with the relevant details inserted by hand. They are bound in books relating to the nation against whom the letters were granted.

26 May 1761     101

Appeared personally Captain John Barford of Cheapside, London mariner

and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain  and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said John Barford

and in pursuance of his Majesty’s Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that his the said John Barford

his ship is called the Hungerford

That she is a Square Sterned with three masts

and is of the burthen of about Two Hundred and Seventy Six tons

That the said John Barford goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns

Each Carrying shot of Six and Four & three pounds weight and

Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London

Thirty Men Thirty small arms Thirty Cutlasses Twenty Barrels of Powder Fifty Rounds of great Shot and about Six hundred weight of small shot

That the said Ship is victualled for Ten months

hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Four Cables and about Ten hundred weight of spare cordage

That John Castello goes Lieutenant John James Gunner William Green Boatswain Joseph Hickman Carpenter Arthur Morris Cook John Maitland Surgeon of the said Ship and that

Mr Joseph Robertson & Lawrence Boyd of London Merchants

 

are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship  

Jno Barford

(His signature)

This declaration was made before me

And: Arth. Collier

Surrogate

 

1024

Hungerford

The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to John Barford to set forth the Hungerford of the Burthen of about Two hundred & Seventy Six Tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said John Barford goeth Commander Dated the Twenty Sixth Day of May 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty’s Reign.

Privateer Letter of Marque – Richard as Captain


HCA 26/12/87
17 April 1761     89
Appeared personally Captain Richard Maitland of the Parish of St Pauls Shadwell in the County of Middlesex mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain  and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said Richard Maitland
and in pursuance of his Majesty’s Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that his the said Richard Maitland
his ship is Called the Phillippa
That she is a Square Sterned Ship Painted Black and Yellow, a Syon Head Painted all Yellow
and is of the burthen of about Three Hundred tons
That the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Forty Men Thirty Six small arms Twenty four Cutlasses Twelve Barrels of Powder Twelve Rounds of great Shot and about Three hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Six months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Five Cables and about Thirty hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Dudley goes Lieutenant John Thomas Gunner William Jones Boatswain Thomas Lee Carpenter Henry Atkins Cook James Long Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Henry Loubert and his Partners Mesrs Leavie and Schweighauzen together with Mr James Bouverieu of London Merchants

are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship  
Richd Maitland
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me
And: Colbeee Ducarel
Surrogate Farrant?

1022
Phillippa
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to Richard Maitland to set forth the Phillippa of the Burthen of about three hundred tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander Dated the Seventeenth Day of April 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty’s Reign.


2.  DUNDRENNAN MAITLANDS IN LONDON:


There is no obvious connection between our Maitlands and the Maitlands of King's Arms Yard and Coleman Street, but it is possible that they were connected: both lines were connected with the West Indies. One possibility is that Richard was a close relative of Robert Maitland of King’s Arms Yard in London, who was born in Dumfries in about 1709.

A pedigree of Richard Maitland, died 1775 in “The Pedigree Register vol 1” Society of Genealogists. See his will in Maitwills.

Richard Maitland, will 1763:

Inventory Richard Maitland, Sept 1765. PROB 31/504/703
A will of Richard Maitland of Brompton, Kensington, described as a planter of Jamaica, no firm evidence, but looks possible to be the father of Sarah. His will makes no mention of Sarah, but was proved London, 23 August, 1763.
The executors being Robert & Alexander Maitland indicate that he was probably related to them: they were the sons of Robert & Ursula Maitland of Tongland & Bunhill Fields in Essex.
The supposition from his will is that he came back to England later in life and married Widow Cunningham then and had no children by her.
He leaves a legacy to his wife, the widow of Dr Cunningham, but no mention of children. The remainder of his estate is left to his cousins, the Whyte family, mostly local London tradesmen, but also to "...my cousin Mrs Joan Whyte late wife of Mr Archibald Napier Minister of the Gospel at Manchester (?) deceased now residing in Aberdeen.." and "...my cousin Alexr Whyte late of Ard_hill now of the city of London Teacher of Belles Lettres and mathematics..."
"...to her daughters Mary and Joan Napier..."
Ardhill a village on Loch Duich, West Highlands Scotland.

Was this Richard Maitland the father of Mary Maitland, bapt 28/6/1740, a quadroon child of Richard Maitland born of the mulatto slave of Mrs Laws of St Andrew Parish.

AF:
Mary Napier (AFN: 1DM1-C28), ch abt 1732 of Archibald Napier & Jean White at Maryculter, Aberdeenshire, Scotland. Married James Smith 6/7/1732 at Maryculter.
James Smith Birth: Est 1702 Maryculter, Aberdeenshire, Scotland
Death:  6 Nov 1780 Garvnock, Kincardineshire, Scotland
IGI: Marriage of Richard Maitland & Elizabeth Cunningham, St Martin in the Fields, London, 13 May 1759.

Issue of Richard & Elizabeth Maitland, ch:
Richard Maitland, 27 Sept 1738, St Martin in the Fields.
Elizabeth Maitland, Saint Olave Hart St, London, 1/7/1748
Thomas Maitland, Saint Martin in the Fields, 10/10/1740
Mary Maitland, Saint Olave, Hart St, ch 2/6/1746, d. 6/2/1746
Margaret Maitland, Saint Olave, 9/11/1750.
Marriage: Richard Maitland, 20 Aug 1738, St James, Westminster to Mary Mitchel.

CO142/** Return of Shipping, Jamaica - lists ships masters and owners & cargo etc, to Jamaica. /22 1784.
1783, March 26. Indenture between John Hyde of St. Geo., Han. Sq., Esq., only son and heir and residuary legatee of John Hyde, late of Cornhill, Merchant, and George Healy of the one part, and Ebeneezer Maitland of London, Merchant, of the other, Lease for a year of the Constant Spring plantation by Hyde to Maitland. (Coleman’s Deeds.)

(2 found in 1811: St Andrew's and St George's. Constant Spring in St Andrew owned by Hon Geo Cuthbert, 417 slaves and 206 stock)
Constant Spring is now in St Andrew, in hills north of Kingston.
Edmund Hyde Privy Councillor Jamaica 1751 (Jam Gaz).

Letters of Marque: HCA 26/9/33

Commander: William Cromertie.

Ship: King of Prussia.

Burden: 330 tons.

Crew: 30.

Owners: Messrs. Maitland and Boddington, Messrs. James and John Tobin of London, merchants.

Lieutenant: John Pinkham.

Gunner: Cornelius Barg.

Boatswain: John Millington.

Carpenter: George Carruthers.

Surgeon: John Jackson.

Cook: Timothy Daub.

Armament: 14 carriage guns.

Folio: 33

Covering dates 1758 February 21

HCA 26/10/166:
Commander: George Lindsey.

Ship: Ajax.

Burden: 499 tons.

Crew: 99.

Owners: Charles Raymond, Sherman Godfrey, William Briant, Robert Scott, Charles Boehm, John ?Pexsax, Earl of Lauderdale, Lawrence Dundass, Andrew Moffett, George Freeman, William Belchier and John Croucher of London, merchants.

Lieutenant: Patrick Maitland.

Gunner: David Kinnier.

Boatswain: John Denison.

Carpenter: Thomas Cole.

Surgeon: Charles Greenhill.

Cook: John Carpenter.

Armament: 26 carriage guns.

Folio: 166 

Covering dates 1759 February 10

T 1/500/95-98  Treasury: papers 

Record Summary

Scope and content WEST INDIES: Islands: Antigua: Abstract of the deed of trust from Governor William Young and Messrs Maitland and Boddington to the Crown, regarding estates in Antigua

Covering dates 1774 June



A Richard Maitland wrote to Thomas Bradshaw in 1767, but this may:

T 1/461/257-258
Dr Sir,
by the best Information I can get from Grenada, I am pretty certain that neither the Generall, Chief Judge or any other officers, have lately received any of their Salaries, on Account of the Capitation tax not being paid. And what confirms me in this opinion is my having received Letters, with Directions to apply to the Treasury on this Subject.
A have the Honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obd Servt
Richd Maitland
Mark lane,
11 Nov 1767.


West India Committee:


Minutes looked at on microfilm (MIC915, 16 reels) at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Russell Square. There were many appearances of Maitlands in the early years. Many entries simply refer to "Mr Maitland". Forenames entered were Richard, Robert & Alexander. It appears that Richard was probably the senior, and was chairman occasionally when the regular incumbent, Beeston Long, was absent. Also appearing was Stephen Fuller (the London merchants became Fuller-Maitlands), who was later described as "agent for Jamaica".
The minutes start an April 1769. They were read, but not exhaustively after about 1780. There is little mention of individuals, except as members of the standing committees, and occasionally as members of sub-committees.

1769 members Richard, Robert & Alexander Maitland, not all together. Mr Maitland jnr appears in April 1776, and again June 1779. A cursory inspection gives the impression that the Maitlands disappeared from the committee from 1781 to 1797, when there was an entry.
The minutes of the West India Planters was also briefly examined. There was an E Maitland and Mr Maitland recorded at a general meeting of 9 Feb 1787. Mr Maitland appeared several times in 1805.
In the 1769 list, Robert & Alexander were probably brothers (Robert could possibly be Robert’s son b 1744) and sons of John Maitland of Tongland. E Maitland in 1787 would have been Ebeneezer Maitland, who became Fuller Maitland.


London Directories


1772 London Directory: Richard M (dated July 1771) Dir Royal Exchange Assurance
Maitland & Boddington 17, Mark Lane
1774-5: Mullard Pet. Sailmaker Union Stairs, Wapping
1775: Maitland & Boddington present, but not Richard M.
1776: M & B not there.
Kent's Directory of London, 1794.
Maitland Robert, Ebeneezer & John, Merchts., 13, King's-arms-yard, Colemans St.
These are probably the children of Robert Maitland and Ursula, Ebeneezer became Fuller-Maitland and John Whitaker-Maitland. According to Michael Sandford, this is the case: this Robert was 1744-1810.


CARIBBEANA, Volume II, DEEDS RELATING TO THE WEST INDIES JAMAICA

1783, March 26. Indenture between John Hyde of St. Geo., Han. Sq., Esq., only son and heir and residuary legatee of John H., late of Cornhill, Merchant, and George Healy of the one part, and Ebenezer Maitland of London, Merchant, of the other, Lease for a year of the Constant Spring plantation by Hyde to Maitland. (Coleman’s Deeds.)

Hyde Connection:

http://www.danbyrnes.com.au/merchants/merchants8.htm

1710+: James Russell 1710 or so, the greatest Maryland merchants in London are Captain John Hyde, plus his sons, John and Herbert Hyde. See Jacob M. Price, 'One Family's Empire: The Russell-Lee-Clerk Connection in Maryland, Britain and India, 1707-1857'., Maryland Historical Magazine, Vol. 72, 1977. See also: Jacob M. Price, 'The Last Phase of the Virginia-London Consignment Trade: James Buchanan and Co, 1758-1768', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XLIII, No. 1, Jan. 1968., pp. 64ff.; Jacob M. Price, 'Buchanan and Simson, 1759-1763: A Different Kind of Glasgow Firm Trading to the Chesapeake', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XL, No. 1. Jan. 1983., pp. 3ff.; Jacob M. Price, 'The Rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake Tobacco Trade, 1707-1775', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XI, April 1954., pp. 179ff.; Jacob M. Price, (Ed.), 'Joshua Johnson's Letterbook, 1771-1774: Letters from a Merchant in London to His Partners in Maryland'. London, 1979. Jacob M. Price, 'Capital And Credit In The British-Chesapeake Trade, 1750-1775', in Virginia B. Platt and David Curtis Skaggs, (Eds.), Of Mother Country And Plantations: Proceedings of the Twenty-Seventh Conference In Early American History. Bowling Green, Ohio, 1971. Jacob M. Price, essay, 'Joshua Johnson In London, 1771-1775', in Anne Whiteman et al, (Eds.), Statesmen, Scholars and Merchants, Essays ... presented to Dame Lucy Sutherland. Oxford, 1973.
Later in this site were entries of Hydes going bankrupt in about 1745.

 

Other Maitlands:
Alexander Maitland, Mate, St Andrews Regt, Ensign, 1784.
Vere Oliver's Carribinaea, Richard Maitland figures with wife Elizabeth in St Kitts, also up til 1780's.

Directories for Richard Maitland Probably the one whose will proved 24/5/1775:
1)
Dates: 1726-1750 Location: Crutched Fryars 
Occupation: merchant commerce(s) 
Source Date: 1750  Subscribed to The posthumous Works of Jeremiah Seed (Vol. 1), 1750, HALL, Joseph. London, Subject: religion

2)
Dates: 1751-1775 Title: Esq. 
Source Date: 1756: Subscribed to The Civil and Natural History of Jamaica, 1756, BROWNE, Patrick. London, Subject: history

3)
Dates: 1776-1800  Title: Esq.
Source Date: 1789 Source Info: Subscribed to The Civil and Natural History of Jamaica. Containing I. An accurate Description of that Island... II. An History of the Natural Productions... illustrated with Forty-nine copper plates... By George Dionysius Ehret. There are now added complete Linnean indexes and a large and accurate map of the island, 1789, BROWNE, Patrick. London, Subject: history
4)
Dates: 1751-1775   Address: Address(es): 17 Mark-lane, London
company: Director(s): Royal Exchange Assurance Director
Source Date: 1763 Listed in Kent's Directory for the Year 1763. 30th edn., 1763, KENT, Henry. London. Printed and sold by Henry Kent at the Printing office in Finch Lane. Also 1765, 1767, 1768, 1772, 1774
5)
Dates: 1751-1775  Occupation: merchant commerce(s) 
Address: Mark lane, London
Source Date: 1765  Listed in A Compleat Guide to All Persons Who Have Any Trade or Concerns Within the City of London, and Parts Adjacent. 10th edn., 1765, OSBORN, J.. London
Printed for J. Rivington, R. Baldwin, L. Hawes, W. Clarke, R. Collins, S. Crowder, T. Longman, R. Horsfield, J. Walter


http://www.danbyrnes.com.au/blackheath/ships3.htm

Convict and other ships 1800-1810 to Australia

1804: John Prinsep in London by 1804 laid plans - interesting but premature - to import wool from eastern Australia. The plans involved John Maitland, John Macarthur, Mr. Coles, Mr. Wilson at Monument Yard, Capt. Waterhouse and Mr. Stewart. John Maitland, of Basinghall Street, was an influential wool merchant who had links with Sir Joseph Banks and Macarthur. (See Harold B. Carter, His Majesty's Spanish Flock: Sir Joseph Banks and the Merinoes of George III of England. Sydney, Angus And Robertson, 1964. Harold B. Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820. London, British Museum (Natural History), 1988.) At an 1804 auction of the King's sheep, Maitland was interested in Macarthur's proposal for a company to produce wool in New South Wales and supported it in company with Hulletts, who'd dummy-bought two ewes for Macarthur, and owned the Argo. At the sale, Banks warned Macarthur of the Obstructive Act of 1788 preventing export of sheep. Later, Macarthur suggested to Lord Camden a Treasury warrant be drawn for the export. A company with a capital of £10,000 was proposed, but the plan went awry. By July 1804, John Prinsep was examined in Council Chamber at Whitehall. (See Sibella Macarthur-Onslow, Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden, pp. 92-95.)
1804: 11 July 1804, wool gentlemen meet inc. Hunter and Waterhouse, both RN, Capts Prentice and Townson of New South Wales Corps, William Wilson of Monument Yard, agent for Rbt Campbell and Marsden, and William Stewart Master Mariner of Lambert, Prinsep and Saunders, shipping and East India agents of 147 Leadenhall St, owners of Anne to NSW in 1800. (See also, Sibella Macarthur-Onslow, Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden. [Orig. 1914] Sydney, Rigby, 1973. Pemberton, London Connection, p. 121).


Florida Maitlands


Florida Historical Society Florida Center for Library Automation Gainesville, Florida October, 1943 SN00154113_0022_002
Florida Historical Quarterly, October 1943.
Alleged Spanish Grants in British West Florida
From the description of Pensacola on the arrival of the British in 1763 as but a stockade and village of thatched huts, it is apparent that these estates were little more than a medium for acquiring land for speculation. Ed. petitioned for an estate called St. Joseph. George Rogers, Esquire, of London, and John Peddar, Esquire, of Lancaster, England, petitioned for an estate called Chicasa de St. Martin. Sir John Lindsay of England petitioned for an estate called El Paso de Arroyo Ingles. William Lance, Esquire, and James Noble of Sandwich in Kent, England, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de la Vighia. Barnard Noble petitioned for an estate called Sta. Clara. George Stothart of Stockton, in the county of Durham, England, together with two other merchants, Richard Maitland and John Elliot, of London, petitioned for an estate called Santiago el Grande. Messrs. Bolton and Horslar (or Horselor) petitioned for an estate called Pensacola le Vieja. Colonel Augustine Prevost petitioned for an estate, which was unnamed in the record of the Council, and also in company with some others, he petitioned for a second estate, which was likewise unnamed in the records of the Council.

Maitlands (London based merchants trading with WI)

9 Dec 2005 From: Michael Sandford, Abingdon.
Dear Antony,
I came across your website in a search for information on the trading activities of my great great great great grandfather Robert Maitland (1744-1810) who was first located at the Kings Arms yard, Coleman Street, London and later at The Blue Style Greenwich.
I found reference on your site to the West India Committee records At Archives of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies. I was interested to note that the names you mentioned here appear to be those of my ancestor and his relations. I had better follow up your reference to see if I can find out something about their trading interests!
My Robert Maitland (1744-1810) appears in the Maitland gedcom on your website, so you will be able to see where our lines diverged: our common ancestors are Sir Robert Maitland (d 1434) and Marion Aternethy.
You can see my descent from daughter Mary of my Robert Maitland (1744-1810) at http://sandfordfamily.org.uk
I was also interested in your site for what it says about Jamaican history, especially since I have just returned from a month's holiday spent mainly in Mandeville. I have often wondered exactly what the trading was that my Robert Maitland did with the WI. Have you ever come across any dealings between his firm and your own Maitlands in Jamaica?
My Robert Maitland (1744-1810) married Elizabeth Ridge who was the daughter of John Ridge, another West Indies merchant in London. So that is another trading connection.
Michael Sandford

10 Dec 2005
Thank you for your reply.  It gets yet more interesting as I delve a bit further into your large website. What a lot of research you have done!
In comparison my Maitland research looks pretty thin. But I am now motivated to some more.
Here are a two points answering your email:
1. I cannot at the moment see how your John Maitland ( - 1786), might fit into the known families of the Kings Arms Yard merchants.
2. I see from your pages that a Pakenhams married a Sandford from Castlereagh. Castlereagh is not far from Tuam and my grandfather and his cousin speculated about the tradition that there was a connection but nothing definitive has been discovered so far. Unfortunately all the early Church of Ireland records in Tuam were destroyed around 1800.
Finally I note from your auto biographical notes that you are a Christ's man.  I matriculated at Christ's in 1960. I read maths then physics. However I ended up running a division of engineers working on space research instrumentation at the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory near here. I retired 2 years ago - and so now have time to research family history and to try and write up interesting stories for the younger family members. I am planning to send them a couple of essays at Christmas. The one I finished before my holiday relates how 12 greats uncle was wrongly beheaded by Henry VIII when he was getting rid of Anne Boleyn.
Did you go to the old member's dinner at Christ's in September? The 1960 and 1965 matriculation years were invited. I don't have the seating plan to hand to check if you were there.
Best wishes, Michael



3.  The PARCHMENTS of Southfield Penn


This family is included because of the supposed connection with the Maitland family via a Sarah Maitland who married Richard Parchment (b 1747).

St Elizabeth parish, Jamaica, West Indies, and the American-born Loyalist ANDREW BROMFIELD....
The following is a composite of several sources:
Outline from Parchment family notice board
A tree from Louise Currie (LC)
Extra information from Denny Swaby (DS).
Land Grant indices.


RICHARD PARCHMENT,


the original immigrant, was granted land in Jamaica eleven years after the island was taken from the Spanish and made a British possession. Between January 1666 and July 1685, 1070 acres of land was deeded to him. (Plat Book 1B/11/2/15) There is also a Richard Parchment who owned land in York County, Virginia, and who had been a resident there from 1654. (N. Nugent, "Cavaliers and Pioneers, vol I, 497; also... Fleet, "Virginia Colonial Abstracts, vol 25, 323) It is not unreasonable to assume that both were the same man, since this particular section of the island was settled by "sundry mariners, vagabonds and settlers" (Calendar of Colonial Papers, 1670) according to one Governor of the island, who also described Virginia as "the bolthole of Jamaican debtors." In his will, dated "ye 27th day of December, in the Year of Our Lord 1686," Richard Parchment describes himself as being "in perfect sense and memory, but very weak and ill." He named his beloved wife Jane as executrix of his entire estate, which he charged her to administer on behalf of his children. From the records, he appears to have had at least two children:
1/1. Richard, who by 1700 had inherited the land granted his father,
1/2. Rebecca, who married William Legister, 17 Mar 1708/9 (Register No 1B/11/8/6 vol:1)
in 1984 who sent me some pages about Parchments taken from typed work called “Whose Child Are You” by Carolee Elliott Mitchell, in which she discusses the Parchments from Jamaica. Here is a transcript of the pages:


Jamaica Plats for Richard Parchment, St Elizabeth:
3/1684-5   500A  St E Vol10
5/4/1674   150A  St E V5
1/8/1666   270A


 

RICHARD PARCHMENT

married MARY, and they were the parents of
1/1. John, bapt 28 Nov 1708/9
1/2. Jane, bapt 8 Feb 1705 (Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
 

JOHN PARCHMENT


LC: Baptism: November 28, 1708, St. Elizabeth, by Josiah Tookerman, rector (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 2.)
married RUTH,

The name Parchment appears in the St Elizabeth Indices several times. In 1802, this family owned land SE of Black River.

1/1. Richard, bapt 27 May 1749, at age 1 year and 6 months

LC: Baptism: May 27, 1749, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St.  
Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 7.)

Appears to have worked as overseer of his sea-captain father's estate of Southfield Penn (penn = ranch). There is no record of his marriage, and his children are listed in the section of the register headed "Baptisms of Persons Not White." Some sources suggest that the mother of his children, SARAH MAITLAND, was of the family of John Maitland. With Richard Parchment as the "reputed father", Sarah had a family listed as 'mulatto' and as 'quadroon'. Antony Maitland’s research makes this look very unlikely, even if she really was named Maitland.

Ref DS:
was "set" to inherit his parents estate on the condition (stated in his father's will) that he should marry only a "white" woman.
Richard Parchment had children with 'Sarah Maitland' who according to one 'researcher' was 'non-white'. Consequently the 'Parchment' estate passed to his sister "Mary Parchment" who married my ancestor "Andrew Bromfield - Lt. Colonel St. Elizabeth parish Militia, Jamaica".

Sarah Maitland


In the beginning pages of this register the minister was sometimes recording only the name of the fathers.  At other times he listed the wife's name. Occasionally he noted "and his wife". 
Here there is no mention of the mother, or of the father's marital status.
Actual record in LDS Microfilm has Richard MILLAND as father. Index has Melland (original in Jamaica).
Age: January 23, 1748, 15 months, thus born abt October 1746.
Baptism: January 23, 1748, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 7.)

Richard Maitland of Shadwell, the probable ancestor of the Maitlands of Giddy Hall, had daughters ch in Shadwell 10/1745 and 6/1747 making it unlikely for him to have been this Sarah’s father by his wife, even if the PR transcript was wrong. It is also probable that Richard & Sarah Maitland of Shadwell were pure white, and Sarah, Richard Parchment’s partner was supposedly non-white.

One source (Carolle Mitchell) says she was a Yamasee Indian. (Yamasee were an Indian tribe assimilated into the Seminole and Creek tribes in Florida in the first half of the 18thC.)
Later information (1/2003) is that this Sarah was bapt St E 23/1/1748, aged 15 months, father Richard Maitland. He could have been a sea Captain, will dated 1763 in Virginia. (Louise Currie, Australia).
Later from Louise Currie (22/3/2003) Sarah Maitland’s father Richard could have been the one who died of Kensington, planter of Jamaica. His will makes no mention of Sarah, but was proved London, 23 August, 1763. This looks the most likely, as he did not marry until later in England.

A Sarah Maitland owned one elderly female slave, Fibba (65, Creole) in the returns of 1817. Was this her or possibly a daughter of our Richard Maitland of Shadwell??


Issue of Richard & Sarah Parchment:
2/1. Elizabeth, born 19 Aug 1772, bapt 1 Aug 1773

LC for this line:
Baptism: August 01, 1773, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 35.)
1773 August 1, baptised, Elizabeth M., reputed daughter of Richard

Parchment (?) by Sarah Maitland, born 18 August 1772.
Burial: June 07, 1833, New Burial Ground, Spanish Town, St. Catherine aged 55 of Spanish Town, by the Revd. William Broadley (Source: B0024 Jamaica Parish Register Burials I & II, 1826-1844, I, p. 125 #39.)
Race/nationality/color: Free quadroon.
Partner: Mr McKenzie: Race/nationality/color: White (by calc.)
3/1. Marianne5 McKenzie, born Bef. June 03, 1797.

Baptism: June 03, 1797, St. Catherine (Source: B0080 St. Catherine Parish Register BMB I & II, 1669-1825, II, p. 107.). Race/nationality/color: Free mustee
She met Alexander Grant Bef. 1812, son of David Grant and Ann Hitchman.  He was born March 31, 1790.
Addressed as: 1816, Esquire
Baptism: January 07, 1791, Kingston (Source: B0061 Kingston Parish Register Baptisms I & II, Marriages I, 1721-1825, Bap. I, p. 424.)
Occupation: 1836, Gentleman. Residence: 1836, Kingston
Both Single: Bef. 1812
4/1. James Grant, born July 13, 1812.

Baptism: November 01, 1813, Kingston (Source: B0061 Kingston Parish Register Baptisms I & II, Marriages I, 1721-1825, II, p. 264.)

4/2. Alexander Green Grant, born October 18, 1815.

Baptism: July 06, 1816, Kingston (Source: B0061 Kingston Parish Register Baptisms I & II, Marriages I, 1721-1825, II, p. 301.)
In Jamaica in the early 19th century the child of a white and a mustee would have been deemed "white by law," with "the same rights and privileges as British subjects, born of white parents, with certain restrictions."  (They did not have the right to vote).

3/2. Elizabeth Anna McKenzie, born September 14, 1798.

Baptism: December 21, 1799, St. Catherine (Source: B0080 St. Catherine Parish Register BMB I & II, 1669-1825, II, p. 119.)

2/2. William, born 28 Aug 1775,

LC: Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 51.)

2/3. Richard, born 14 Dec 1779, (mulatto/quadroon)

Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 51.)
Race/nationality/color: 1824, Free person of color
Residence: 1824, St. Elizabeth

Marriage Notes for Richard Parchment and Mary Bromfield: It is not certain the Richard Parchment who married Mary Bromfield was the same Richard who had several children by Camilla Parchment.

M. (1) Camilla Parchment.
Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.). Race/nationality/color: Black
Issue of Richard Parchment and Camilla Parchment:
3/1. Arabella Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.

Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, p. 130.)

3/2. Priscilla Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.

Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.)

3/3. John Maitland Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.

Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.)

3/4. Benjamin Brady? Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.

Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.)

Married (2) daughter of Andrew Bromfield and Rose Reynolds MARY BROMFIELD, by banns 29 Jan 1824. (Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
Race/nationality/color: Free person of color
Residence: 1824, St. Elizabeth

Sterling Binns has these 2 and several others as children of Richard & Mary Parchment, but not the children listed above, on his web site:
http://www.myheritage.com/site-53652081/binns-extended-family-website
3/2009.
3/1. Richard Elmers Parchment, bapt 31 Dec 1818 D 1893.

(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
M. Mary Ann Falconer.
4/1. Simeon Kieth Parchment, 1851-1953, M. Jane Elizabeth Nicholson

5/1. Adelaide Eugene Parchment, 1880-1947, M. Richard DeSouza Binns

 

3/2. Evalina Maitland Parchment, born 6 Jan 1825, bapt 2 Oct 1831

(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 5)

2/4. John born 12 Feb 1782,

LC: Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, p. 51.)

2/5. Nicholas, born 2 Sept 1785, all four bapt 19 Oct 1785

LC: Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 51.)
Ref DS:
3/1. Henry Gale Parchment,

The following from Mark Bishton[v]
baptized 30 Dec 1818 in St. Elizabeth Parish married Sarah Amelia Gordon (Baptized 5th Dec. 1830, Mustee, Sarah aged 3 1/2 years, parents Larchin and Ann Frances Gordon, married, Abode: Happy Retreat, by Rev. J Waters.) 01 Nov 1844 at St. Elizabeth Parish, Jamaica:

From St Elizabeth Yahoo Group, Rhona Panton
moved to West Bay Grand Cayman along with 4 children including Cecelia Clementine.
4/1. Mary Maitland Parchment, G grandmother of Denny Swaby.

ch 22/2/1846, b 7/12/1845 of Providence, Settler.

4/2. Joseph Alexander Parchment born 30 Apr 1847,
4/3. Cecilia Clementina Parchment born 20 Apr 1849,
4/4. Henry Elmore Parchment born 20 Aug 1851.

 

Henry Gale died about 1859 & Sarah remarried to Joseph David Yates a widower who already had 5 children. They had 4 children together including my great grandmother:
4/1. Benjamina Yates, who married William Atkin Jackson (Jacksonville, Isle of Pines, Cayman was named for Atkin).

2/6. Sarah, born 15 jan 1780, bapt 3 Mar 1780

(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)

1/2. Elizabeth, bapt 12 Aug 1753

LC: Baptism: August 12, 1753, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St.  Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, p. 9.)

1/3. John, bapt 28 July 1759, at 14 months

LC: Baptism: July 28, 1759, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 19.)

1/4. Jean, about 4 yrs old,

LC: Age: November 1765, About 4 years
Baptism: November 1765, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 27.)

1/5. Mary, about 1 yr old, both bapt in Nov 1765

LC: Baptism: November 1765, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 27.)
Married Andrew Parchment, as 2nd wf after Rose Reynolds.

1/6. Nancy, born 28 Aug 1769, bapt in July 1770

(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
LC: Baptism: July 1770, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I  & II, 1707-1825, p. 31.)

 

Andrew Bromfield & Rose Reynolds Issue (from David Bromfield web site:

1/1. John Frederick Bromfield b 1777 M. Mary Mullings

2/2. William Mullings B m. Ellen Caroline Hutchinson

3/1. David Hutchinson Bromfield M. Margaret Elizabeth Clacken,

4/1. Vida Ella Orbel Bromfield

2/1. John Mullins Bromfield & Lucy Facey Seaton

3/1. Mary Ann Bromfield & Christopher Bromfield

4/1. David Christopher Bromfield & Vida Ella Orbel Bromfield,

5/1. Albert Winston Bromfield & Sigrid Hazel Agatha Gray

6/1. David Michael Hurlstone Bromfield

 

Descendants of Nicholas Maitland Parchment

Generation No. 1
1. Nicholas Maitland Parchment was born Abt. 1811.

Married Sarah Yuil (Parchment). She was born Abt. 1811.
Occupation: 1836, Planter of Comfort
Issue (many more listed on PR):
2/1. Margaret Parchment, born June 14, 1836.

Baptism: December 30, 1836, St. Elizabeth.
Married Herbert Gordon May 19, 1858, St. E by banns
born April 08, 1838, Baptism: July 13, 1838, St. Elizabeth

2/2. Isabella Bonniella b. 15/11/1845, ch 2/1846

of Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife of Comfort, Settler.

2/3. Thomas Ewell - b 4/10/1847 ch 30/1/1848

of Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell

2/4. Ezekiel b 28/4/1850 ch. 1/2/1850

of Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ W. Forbes/



The name Parchment appears in the St Elizabeth Indices several times. In 1802, this family owned land SE of Black River.

St Elizabeth PR from Jamaica Web site:

269 / 1846 February ?/ ? Isabella Bonniella - 15th November 1845/ Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ W. Forbes/

? / 1846 February 22nd/ Mary Maitland - 9th December 1845/ Henry Gale Parchment & Sarah Amelia his wife/ Providence/ Settler. W. Forbes/

290 / 1846 April 24th/ Henry - 1st February 1846/ Henry Gale & Rebecca his wife/ Greenvale/ Settler/ Thos. P. Williams/

155 / 1848 January 30th/ Thomas Ewell - 4th October 1847/ Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ Forbes/

468 / 1850 April 28th/ Ezekiel - 1st February 1850/ Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ W. Forbes/

MANY other Parchments listed.

 

 

See Maitland Private more on Sarah Maitland
Information from David Bromfield, (5/2001):

 

I am descended from 'Andrew Bromfield & Rose Reynolds'.  Andrew Bromfield had later married "Mary Parchment" daughter of John & Ruth Parchment.  John & Ruth had a son "Richard Parchment" who was "set" to inherit his parents estate on the condition (stated in his father's will) that he should marry only a "white" woman.  Richard Parchment had children with 'Sarah Maitland' who according to one 'researcher' was 'non-white'.  Consequently the 'Parchment' estate passed to his sister "Mary Parchment" who married my ancestor "Andrew Bromfield - Lt. Colonel St. Elizabeth parish Militia, Jamaica".

Mary Bromfield, born 1785, St E, dau of Andrew & Rose (Reynolds) Bromfield, married 29/1/1824, Richard Parchment son of Sarah Parchment
(above).

DENNY SWABY Correspondence:
9/12/2003:
Denny Swaby[iv]


I know the names of my paternal grandfather as well as great grand father and mother. I have passed this information to the Registrar General Department in Jamaica to see what they can find. I remember hearing various family stories when I was a child about the Swaby that started the lineage in Jamaica. One of the things that I remember was this original Swaby was a military officer. He was either German or English. The Jamaican records if they exist will verify lineage. I’m not sure of the extent of your research on Joseph Swaby, but thought it best to ask a few questions. Do you know if there were generations of Swaby’s in Jamaica prior to Joseph James Swaby? If Joseph Swaby was the first Swaby in Jamaica, are you also aware of his place of birth?

Sat, 21 Feb 2004 16:48:47 -0500

Thank you for responding to my e-mail.  I have a good understanding of my Swaby ancestry at this point. Since I live in the Cayman Islands I was able to visit the Registrar Generals Department in Jamaica.
    I wanted to let you know that I found a Maitland connection through my paternal grandmother.  My great grandmother was Mary Maitland Parchment.  Mary’s father was Henry Gale Parchment.  Henry was baptized in 1819 in St. Elizabeth Jamaica.  His parents are not listed and he is baptized with numerous other Parchment children.  I did not have enough time to complete my research on Henry, but he appears to be descended from Richard Parchment and Sarah Maitland.
Denny

dcswaby wrote:  6/2005.
    Hi Antony,
    It’s been some time since we’ve communicated.... I was in Jamaica earlier this week and came across a will for John Maitland....
    The will I found for John Maitland stated that is mother was Sarah Maitland. John left his estate to Rebecca Wright and two children Frances and Richard. This appears to be part of the Maitland family identified in on your site. Are they descended from Francis Maitland and who was Sarah Maitland? 

    Best Regards     Denny Swaby

  From: Antony Maitland [mailto:antony@antonymaitland.com]
  Sent: Friday, June 24, 2005 5:06 PM
  To: dcswaby
 
  Good to hear from you, even is your information throws my earlier ancestry in grave doubt! 

  Did you by any chance take any details of John Maitland's will? (even a reference number so I can get hold of it either when I next go to Jamaica or via and agent): It sounds very much as though he is my GGGG grandfather - Francis and Richard were his sons and Rebecca their mother.

 On the subject of your family, I had a couple of emails from a Swaby from St Elizabeth recently, which might interest you:

 The sender is:
Jean Prytyskacz[vi]
 Hi Antony- I'm writing you to find out more information on the history of the Swaby family in Jamaica. My maternal grandmother was Anice Swaby from Santa Cruz, St. Elizabeth Parish. She was married to Wilfred Charles Hendricks (from England) my grandfather who was a planter in Greenvale, Mandeville during the 20's,30's and 40's. He was also the postmaster of the Mandeville Post Office. Anyway, I would like to know who was the earliest Swaby on the island? I know there were several Joseph James Swabys. There was a Horatio Swaby that my  grandmother was related to, but I don't know if there were more than one. Or if Horatio was a son or grandson of one of the Joseph James (Swaby). Did the Swaby's own any farms or estates in Yorkshire where they are  originally from, besides having Jamaican property?  I hope you could answer my questions. I enjoy reading your web site very much. 
  Thanks,    Jean 

7 Nov 2005
     Good to hear from you.  Interestingly enough I was scheduled to go to Jamaica on business tomorrow, but had to cancel as my wife caught a virus. On business trips to Jamaica I try to schedule some time at the Registrar General’s as well. I was looking forward to this trip as NCR had offered to show me around St. Elizabeth. I’m hoping I can go again in a week or two. If I find anything else I’ll let you know. The Jamaican deeds and wills seem to be the best key for connecting families. 
    I was able to connect my maternal grandmother (Mary Maitland Parchment) to Richard P and Sarah M. It appears that Mary was descended from Sarah Maitland’s son Nicholas. I have a copy of Richard Parchment’s will as well as the will of his father John Parchment.
            Thanks for keeping in touch. It will be interesting to see what you find on your visit to the West India Committee.


Posted by: Stephanie Binns Date: May 15, 2001 at 19:36:26 In Reply to: Re: Southfield Plantation, Saint Elizabeth by Robert Hodgson

Hi,
Thanks for your reply.

I want to start by making things a bit more confusing. John Parchment had two sons, Richard and John, but he also had several daughters, Elizabeth, Jean, Mary, and Nancy. I failed to mention the daughters because I incorrectly assumed that the land was being passed from father to son.

Mary Parchment married Andrew Bromfield. He also had relations with Rose Reynolds and Amy Bradford. I descend from his relation with Rose Reynolds. I hate to say he wasn't original but they also had a child Mary Bromfield. His child with Mary Parchment was Mary Pringle Bromfield.

John Parchment's son Richard had several children with Sarah Maitland (of whom I have found almost no information) and they had a child names Richard. Richard married Mary Bromfield (daughter of Andrew and Rose Reynolds). So, Andrew Bromfield was not only Richard's father-in-law but the husband of his aunt. Confused?

A bit of clarification, please? Who lived at Berry Hill Andrew Bromfield and Rose Reynolds or Andrew Bromfield and Mary Parchment?

Okay, you asked if all of the information I have is from my aunt. I have researched here in the United States and have looked only at parish registers. I have not seen anything with properties actually mentioned unless they were on a baptism as a place of residence. I will call her and see if she as copies she could send me of her research. I will also send you a copy of the information she gave me. There maybe information you get out of it that I may not yet. I have only been researching about a year and a half and will not have the opportunity to travel to Jamaica for these types of documents for at least another year. She has documents sited but I don't have the hard copies, nor have I seen them.

You asked about the Mayfield school. I am guessing that this may be the school at Berry Hill. My grandmother, granddaughter of Richard E. Parchment, the "school master" went to the Mayfield school. She said it was a one room school house. Note that she went to school in the early 1900s. Sadly she died before I was old enough to really start asking her questions. I will ask my aunt who grew up there.

Lastly, the Binns/Parchment family you mentioned. I would really like to find out more. There are two Binns/Parchment families I know of. One of them is my grandparents, both were born in 1901. The other family is Richard Binns and Adelaide Eugene Parchment. I don't have dates but she is the daughter of "old man Simeon" so I am guessing she was born earlier.

I will be in touch soon. Please keep me posted with your research.
Thanks,
Stephanie

http://www.southfieldhodgsons.com/andrewbromfield.html
1/2009:

Andrew Bromfield

(1741-1807)
Andrew Bromfield was a great, great grandfather of Mass Teddy. One of six children, he came from a rich Scottish family that owned Estate's in Berwickshire and Roxburghshire. He was born in 1741 and baptised 1744 at Eccles Parish Church, Berwickshire, Scotland.

The Bromfield siblings consisted of three boys and three girls. All six of them eventually resided at their own properties in the town of Kelso which was just over the border in Roxburghshire.

Andrew Bromfield and his two brothers all joined the British Army and later became Officer's of their Regiment. His eldest brother, Stephen became a Colonel. He and his brother John were Captain's in the same unit, the 40th Regiment of Foot. Great Britain had owned Jamaica now for just over 100 years and many English and Scots had become extremely rich after moving there. Andrew must have had thoughts of owning a Plantation in Jamaica too. Sometime between the years of 1770-1773 he decided to go to Jamaica. Still a member of the Army he borrowed money from his eldest brother Stephen who had become the wealthiest of the brother's. I have heard that there is apparently a Stephen Bromfield document which states something like this about Andrew "My brother is wasting away and desperate to seek his fortune in Jamaica!" 

In 1772 a Newspaper article appeared in the Scottish, Kelso Chronicle showing Andrew had purchased an African Slave. He and his brother John sailed to Jamaica. Andrew or both of them owned land in the parish of Clarendon which was then adjoined to Saint Elizabeth. Incidentally, Mass Teddy's son Leslie once said to my father that two brother's had come over from Scotland and that one of them went to Clarendon, the other one moved to Saint Elizabeth. He also said nobody knows what happened to the other brother. It is almost certain that these were those Bromfield brother's, not the Hodgson's

Around 1784 he was named as a signed witness to the will of a man named John Parchment who was the owner of the land of 'Southfield Penn' in Saint Elizabeth. Just one year after John Parchment's death, Andrew married his daughter Mary Parchment in 1785. She had inherited from her father and was now the owner of the land and slaves of Southfield Penn. Andrew and Mary's marriage appeared in the Saint Elizabeth church register under the heading "Marriages of White Persons in 1785"
    Prior to his marriage, Andrew had children from "relationships" with two of his slaves, one was a Quadroon and the other a "Person of colour" On the day of his wedding, they were all baptised and given their freedom. A descendant of one of them, David Bromfield once kept in touch and gave me much information concerning the Bromfield's.

Twelve years after his Marriage and with a growing family including our 3 year old Amelia Bromfield, he and his brother John both went AWOL, "Absent Without Leave" from their British Regiment, their positions being replaced by other soldiers. It was 1797 and was probably the time that Andrew officially left Britain. He became a Lieutenant Colonel in the Saint Elizabeth Militia Army instead whilst also owning Southfield Plantation and 80 slaves.

His brother moved back to Scotland where he married and raised a legitimate family of three daughters there. When the brother died at Kelso in 1821, his occupation was listed as a Coffee Planter/Merchant "sometime of Jamaica" It appears that he was probably involved in Andrew and Mary's Coffee Plantation Business at Southfield. There is evidence that John and a sister once sailed to Southfield, became ill and had the Doctor's bill paid by their wealthier brother Colonel Stephen Bromfield of Kelso.

The future would not prove to be as fruititus as the Bromfield's and other Planters thought because in England the "Abolition of Slavery" movement had been operating slowly in the background since 1788 and was gathering momentum at Parliament. It would ultimately play a part in the death of Andrew Bromfield.

Southfield Plantation was now an established business and is shown on a Jamaican property map of 1804 showing the Bromfield and Parchment Properties at Southfield and Yardley Chase. The map also shows their neighbours, the Bent's of Top Hill, Johnson's of Belle Vue and the Ebanks of Flagaman.

In 1807 the abolition Bill was to be passed on the outlawing of the Slave Trade. It was something that all Colonial's including the Jamaican Planters were all strongly opposed to because it would mean the demise of their once highly profitable business. Many Jamaican Planters would be ruined so they petitioned and sailed to London from their Jamaican Estates to try to overturn the ruling which was to be chaired at the House of Commons, London. Andrew Bromfield was in Central London during that Month and died on the 11th March 1807 aged 66. His death occurred just two weeks before the Bill was passed on the 25th March 1807. Although there is no certain proof as to why he was in London, it does seem very obvious that it was connected to the Abolition. He was not buried in the Bromfield Monument at Eccles Parish Church, due to his death occurring outside of Scotland, therefore his place of burial must be in London, but has yet to be found. Because he was a British Gentleman, his death was announced in several English and Scottish Newspapers and publications;

This chapter is very interesting and relevant to an event that was celebrated and noted in England this year 2007, the Bi-Centenary (200 years) of the Abolition of the Slave Trade which occurred on the 25th March 1807. It is also 200 years since the death of Andrew Bromfield.
    


JFS:
William Maitland was born Abt. 1799, and died February 1834, aged abt 35. Partner: Susan Gladstone. 
Burial: February 01, 1834, Carawina Estate, Westmoreland, by Thomas Stewart, rector. Occupation: February 1834, Planter, Residence: Bet. 1829 - 1834, Carawina Estate

Children of William Maitland and Susan Gladstone are:
Three children were baptized on the same day by Thomas Stewart, rector. Their residence was Carawina, Baptism: September 04, 1829, Westmoreland:
2 i. James Gladstone Maitland, born December 09, 1824.
3 ii. William Russell Maitland, born December 17, 1826.
4 iii. Margaret Maitland, born September 25, 1828.


MILITIA OF JAMAICA
MILITIA OF FOOT 1874
ST. ANDREW’S REGIMENT
Mate, Alexander Maitland




4.  ADMIRALTY RECORDS:



PRO ADM 1/235, Admiral's despatches, Jamaica 1713-1789,
1757-1760 Lists and Indexes, Admiralty XVIII p3.


Marlborough at Spithead, 7th March 1757.

Sir,

I received their Lordships orders of the 5th Instant this morning, too late to answer by the Post. The two Assistant Surgeons I have ordered on board the Lynn.
Mr Jones Agent for the Hospital at Haslar applied to me this afternoon to take on board the Medicines and Stores for the Hospital at Jamaica and at the same time acquainted me they filled four wagons, it being impossible for me to receive such a Quantity either in my own Ship or Lynn with the Provisions ordered by their Lordships. I advised him to ship them on board some Merchant Ship bound to Jamaica. The Wind is now Eastward of the N and the Convoy from the Downs all at an anchor, though few of the Masters have yet been on board to take orders. I propose sailing tomorrow morning, and give them orders at Sea rather than lose an Opportunity of this Wind.
Inclosed is a List of the Ships under my Convoy, a more exact account of them will be sent you by the first Opportunity.
I am Sir
Your most Obedient Servant
Thos Cotes

Ships listed with:
Ships Name, Master’s Name, What Built, Were Belonging, Number of Men, Guns, Tons, From Whence, Whither Bound, lading, When Received Order.
An example:
Duke, Rich’d Maitland, Ship, London, 20, 10, 360, London, Virginia, Ballast, 7th March 1757.

Marlborough at Spithead 10th March 1757.

Sir,

The 8th Instant in the morning I made the Signall to unmoor, and intended sailing but before I could get my Best Bower Anchor up, the Wind veered to the Southward and from thence to the Westward, which obliged to moor again in the Evening, it has since been variable with Calms, but I hope is now fixed Easterly. I made the Signal to unmoor this morning by break of day and I hope to get the Convoy out to Sea before Night.
Inclosed is a List of Ships who have taken my orders since my Letter of the 7th Instant.
I am, Sir,
Your most Obdt Servant,
Thos Cotes
The Wind at NNE with Snow.


Marlborough in Torbay 15th March 1757.

Since my Letter of the 12th Instant from this Place His Majesty’s Ships Newcastle, Lynn and Hornett have joined me and brought in with them the merchant ships that were in the rear of the Fleet. The 13th in the Evening the Wind came to the Northward and I was in hopes of its coming to the Eastward, I immediately made the Signal for getting ready to sail but before we could get a Peak on our anchor, it backed to the Westward and began to blow, and all yesterday it blew very hard at NW and WNW. Last night it was moderate Weather, and this morning it blows very hard at West.
I have wrote to Rear Admiral Harrison at Plymouth to desire a Supply of Beer only to be sent here, if the Wind should continue Westerly and keep us here.
I shall sail as soon as the Wind shifts so that I can get down Channell. Inclosed is the State of His Majesty’s Ships under my Command.
I am Sir,
Your most Obedient Servant,
Thos Cotes.

Marlborough in Torbay 16th March 1757 at 1,0’clock pm

Sir,
The hard gale from the West to NNW that has blown for two days past, ceased this morning, and at 8 the Wind shifted to No when I made the Signal to prepare to sail, that the merchant ships might get up their Yards and Topmasts, and take up one anchor, most of them being obliged to let go two anchors, when it blew so hard; the Wind now appears to me settled at NNE and I am getting under sail, that the Fleet may have time to get one before Night,

I am, Sir,
etc.

Marlborough at Sea 8th April 1757.
Latt in 41d 05m N Long 13:35 Wt
Start (Point?) No 38:45 E Dist 230Lg
Finister N54.15E Dist 73 Lgs.

The 17th of March we sailed from Torbay the Wind then blowing fresh at NNE; by night all the Fleet were got clear; and at 8 we took our Departure from the Start, the Wind continued Easterly till the 18th, when it veered to the Westward, and the 20th it blew so hard we could carry no Sail, and were obliged to bring too under a Mainsail; the Merchant Ships who did not take care to bear down lost Company, as we drove much faster than them; The 24th in the Lattitude of 48˚22’ Longitude 5˚ 4’ from the Start. A Merchant Ship acquainted me, that His Majesty’s Sloop Stork had in the late bad Weather in the Night carried away all her Masts, but had got up Jury Masts and was bore away for the Channell, and as the Wind was then at WSW I hope she soon got into some port. We had very bad weather for fifteen Days together in the Bay of Biscay, but have now a good Prospect of making our Passage soon. Very few of the Convoy have lost Company there being now 97 sail in sight.
Inclosed is the State of His Majesty’s Ship Marlborough, the Lynn and Hornett bring up the Rear of the Convoy, which prevents my getting their accounts.
I shall this morning part Company with Commodore Stevend and the India Ships as they must Steer more to the Southward than our Convoy lays.

etc, Thos Cotes.

Marlborough in Passage
8th May 1757.
In my last letter of the 8th of April by way of Madeira I acquainted you of my parting Company with Commodore Stevens and the East India Ships. The 10th of April I made the Signal for all Masters of Merchant Ships, and finding only six light Ships bound to Barbados, and sixty to the other Islands, I ordered the Lynn to see them safe to Barbados, and with the remaining Sixty steered for Antigua, where I arrived the 5th Instant, with all the Convoy. The Store ships went into English harbour and the Merchant Ships to their different Ports. I delivered Rear Admiral Frankland his Commission after he had taken the Oaths, and Subscribed the Test, a Certificate of which is Inclosed, I also told him he must direct his agent in London to pay the Fees of the Office.
The 6th I ran? The Ships bound to Montserrat, Nevis and St Christopher to their several Ports, and anchored in this Road to get a Supply of Water and Rum for the Ship’s Company, all the Wine we brought out of England being expended by the Length of our Passage, I have been obliged to hire a Sloop to fetch my Water, as old Road is by no means a proper Place for so large a Ship to lay and there is no Water here, the Moment she returns I shall proceed with the Trade bound to Jamaica. The Storeships that stopped at Antigua have some of His Majesty’s Stores on board for Jamaica. I have ordered Capt Kirke to call at Antigua to convoy them to Jamaica, and I have desired Adml Frankland to assist in unloading them that the Lynnn may not be detained there.
The Recruits of Colonel Ross’s Regiment I sent to the Head Quarters in a Schooner W Frankland lent me, four of them dyed in the Passage of Fevers. The Packetts for Barbados I sent by Capt Kirke, and those for Antigua I delivered to Admiral Frankland.
Inclosed is an Affidavit, that was yesterday made before the Lieutenant Governor of this Island, the Person who made it seemed to me to be very positive as to the facts. I therefore thought it my duty to get an Original to lay before their Lordships.
Inclosed it the State of His Majesty’s Ship the Marlborough and Hornett Sloop.

I am etc.

Edinburgh Port Royal Jamaica
7 May 1757                                   659
Recd 22 June,
Read ditto

Sir,
Since my last to you of the 24th March, by his Majesty's Ship the Biddeford, I beg leave to Acquaint you, for the Information of the Rt Honourable the Lords, Commissioners of the Admiralty, that his Majesty's Ships Augusta, Princess Mary and Humber, Arrived here on the 7th of last month, from the North sides of Hispaniola, Captain Craven Acquaints me in his Letter of the same day, of his looking into Cape Francois, a Copy of which Letter I have hereby enclosed. His Majesty's Dreadnought, and Shoreham are likewise Arrived, from the South sides of Hispaniola.
I have here inclosed you a Deposition of one Joseph Thurston, Master of the Snow Defiance, giving an Account of his falling in with a Fleet of Ships, Off the Island of Mona, and one of the Ships carrying a White Flagg at the Foretopmast head. As in my former Letter to you, Sir, of the 24th of March, I acquainted you, the French Prisoners, that were taken by one of our Privateers, gave an account of fourteen Sail of French Men of War, Sailing from Brest, And as this Master says he saw these ships off St. Domingo, I immediately dispatched a small schooner up to Port Louis, to look into that harbour, for if they were the French Squadron, they might have put in there, but upon her return, the Officer I sent in the Schooner, Informed me, he saw nothing in the Harbour, bu two small Vessells; I therefore Imagine the Fleet was the Spanish Flota, which is expected every day but as I shall endeavour to gain the best intelligence I can. I have ordered his Majesty's Ship Lively, who arrived here woth the Roebuck and Assistance, with the Trade from ?? on the 25th of last month to prepare for the Seas, and propose as she goes well, to send her up to look into Cape Francois, that I may know if there are any other French Squadron there, except that of Monsieur Beaufremond, and especially as there is some reason to think that the French Squadron that was upon the Coast of Guinea is Arrived there as their Lordships will please to Observe by Captains Wyatts letter to me of this 25th April.
I have ordered his Majesty's Shop Assistance to Carreen, without loss of time, and I am ordering to put the Squadron in the best condition I can, having Stores of any kind, and hope to have some further ?? with the Trade from England, by the time the Squadron is ready for the Sea.
The several Rumours We have had, both from the Dutch and Spaniards, of the French intending an attack on this Island, has occasioned the Lieutenant Governor to declare Martial Law, and they are now putting the Fortifications of this Island into the best postures of Defence they can; I have given them all the Assistance in my power, by mounting their Cannon and repairing such of their Carriages as were gone to decay, and shall continue my Assistances to them, to this Utmost, and hope in a little time to see their Forts in a suitable situation to repulse any Attack that may be made on this Island.
I would further Acquaint you; for their Lordships Information, that Monsieur Bart, the new Governor of Hispaniola, has sent a Flagg of Truce, which Arrived here the 30th of March, to Mr Moore, the Lieutenant Governor, to prepare an Exchange of Prisoners, by which Opportunity I received a Letter from Captain Roddan, with an Account of the taking of His Majesty's Ship Greenwich, a Copy of which I herewith Inclose.
His Majesty's Ship the Wager* is likewise returned to this Port, but am very sorry to Acquaint you of the Death of Captain Preston, and the Surgeon and Purser of that Ship, I have appointed Mr Shurmer, first Lieutenant of the Edinburgh, Captain of the Wager, and Mr Burnett, Midshipman on board His Majesty's Ship Dreadnought, to be third Lieutenant of the Humber, having moved Mr Dumaresque, first Lieutenant of that Ship, to be fourth Lieutenant of the Edinburgh, Whom I hope their Lordships will favour me so far as to Confirm.
I have Inclosed you, Sir, a certain Account of the eight ?? ships that are Arrived at Cape Francois, under the Command of Monsieur Beaufremond, And likewise Captain Moore's Account of the Spanish Ships now laying at the Havanna.
I beg leave to Acknowledge this Receipt of their Lordships Orders of the 3rd January 1757, relating to ?? the time of the Departure of the first and second Convoy, for proceeding to England with the Trade if this Island, which I shall punctually Confirm to, and give the proper Notice thereof.
Captain Weller having Acquainting me, he had appointed Mr John Henry third Lieutenant of His Majesty's Ship Assistance on the Coast of Guinea, in the room of one of the Lieutenants who dyed there, And Mr Henry not having passed for a Lieutenant, Applies to me for an Order of that purpose, which I Granted, and I Inclose you a Copy of the Certificate of his having passed, together with the State and Condition of his Majesty's Squadron under my Command.
I am Sir, Your Most Humble Servant,
Geo Townshend

PS
Sir, since writing the above, Captain Wickham of His Majesty's Ship Augusta, & Captain Forest of His Majesty's Ship Rye having acquainted me they are desirous of Exchanging their Commissions, I have consented to it.

* Wager was later commanded by Frederick Lewis Maitland, who took over from Shurmer.


ADM 106/1150/184
Miscellaneous in-letters to the Navy Board from W correspondents, described at item level 

Record Summary

Scope and content Woolwich Officers. The Earl of Bute, Captain Maitland, from Bengal came alongside the Conquestadore here for want of a tide

Covering dates 3 Mar 1766


ADM 106/1192/205  R. S.

Record Summary

Scope and content Sheerness Officers. Account of the several species of stores issued from HM Yard here, expended on the Bute East India ship, Honble. Patrick Maitland, Commander
Covering dates 1770 Feb 24
Folio 204 similar



RICHARD MAITLAND IN GEORGIA 1775


This is a possibility of being our Richard Maitland. His will was proved 1779, so he was probably active by then. The fact that later affidavits about the loss were given by his crew in 1777 makes one think that perhaps he was dead or infirm by then, or was he in Jamaica?

http://esr.lib.ttu.edu/bitstream/handle/2346/511/fulltext.pdf?sequence=1

University Libraries Faculty Research Texas Tech University Year 2007

Enough Gunpowder to Start a Revolution

Jon R. Huord
Texas Tech University, jon.hu_ord@ttu.edu
This paper is posted at eScholarship Repository.
http://esr.lib.ttu.edu/lib fac research/34

NB Phillipa previously called the Magna Carta.

ENOUGH GUNPOWDER TO START A REVOLUTION
Jon R Hufford
Middle Georgia College

On June 27, 1775, Governor Sir James Wright, expecting interference with British shipping at the entrance to the Savannah River, wrote to Admiral Sir Thomas Graves, commander of British naval forces in North America, entreating him to send a sloop-of-war to defend the approaches to the river.1 His immediate concern was to assure the safe arrival of the merchant ship Phillipa, which had left London on the second of May with thirteen thousand pounds of gunpowder, small arms, and casks of musket balls, a cargo intended for the Indian trade and for British troops and loyalists in Georgia and eastern Florida, the Phillipa was due to arrive in Savannah shortly, so the tone of the governor's letter was urgent. It would have been frantic had the governor been able to foresee events of the next few  weeks. The Phillipa's cargo, intercepted by rebels, was destined to play an important role in the initial campaigns of the American Revolution.
Fulfillment of the governor's desire to keep Georgia loyal to England during the rapidly expanding confrontation between mother country and colonies depended to an important extent on continuing the alliance with the Creek and Cherokee Indian nations.2 Captain John Stuart, British agent to the Indians, possessed great influence over them. Wright speculated that, once Stuart's Indian charges had received their share of the gunpowder and shot. Stuart would be in a position to ensure their support of His Majesty's colonial government. Thus far, Georgians had been quiet, if not completely loyal, and Wright had not needed troops and ships-of-war to bring this about. However, Charleston, a hot-bed of rebellion in the southern provinces, was exerting significant influence on the small but growing number of colonial patriots in Savannah. Wright knew that some Georgia citizens were already preparing secretly to overthrow the colonial government and establish a committee of safety and provincial congress in its place.3 He was aware of the serious consequences for England if the cargo should fall into patriot hands and was determined to do all in his power to see that this could not happen.
One week earlier, on June 20th. Wright had written to his administrative superior, William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth, who was Secretary of State for the Colonies, expressing his suspicion that Charleston patriots had plans to seize the Phillipa's shipment. He explained that some South Carolinians feared that when the munitions had been distributed Captain Stuart would incite the Cherokees to attack settlements.4 A few Charlestonians were using this fear to persuade men to enlist in the "Liberty Boys" and assist in an effort to seize the Phillipa. As the governor saw it, everything depended on Admiral Graves' cooperation. The Admiral might very well have sent a sloop-of-war as requested if Wright's letter of June 27th had reached him. However, agents of the Charleston Committee of Safety had intercepted that letter and substituted a forged one explaining that Georgia was peaceful and needed no military assistance.5 A few days earlier a party of about forty Beaufort "Liberty Boys" commanded by Captains John Barnwell and John Joyner had set out in two small barges for Bloody Point and Tybee Island, the landfall for all ships entering the Savannah River.6 Their purpose was to take the Phillipa.
Over Governor Wright's protests, the Georgia Provincial Congress met on the 4th of July at Tondee's Long Room in Savannah. One of its final acts was to offer assistance to Barnwell and Joyner in taking the Phillipa.7 It informed the South Carolinians that a small British armed schooner had unexpectedly arrived at Tybee from Saint Augustine, Florida, and it offered to help take that vessel also. This offer was accepted, and the Georgia Congress dispatched to Tybee its newly commissioned schooner, the Liberty, commanded by Oliver Bowen and Joseph Habersham.8 Thus began a cooperative venture which was to develop into one of the earliest naval operations of the Revolution. No fighting took place and consequently there were no casualties, but the result of this operation was acquisition of a much-needed supply of gunpowder and small arms for the Georgia and South Carolina militias and the fledgling American army then encamped outside Boston.
As soon as the Liberty was discovered approaching Tybee, the British schooner put to sea. Its captain had decided that a fight with this newly arrived opponent, assisted by the smaller vessels which he knew were present at nearby Bloody Point, would be too one-sided.9 Consequently, when on July seventh the Phillipa anchored off Tybee Bar to await its pilot, there was no British naval presence to afford protection. The Liberty was waiting out of sight not far from Tybee and on the morning of July eighth approached to within three or four miles before anchoring in a location the Phillipa would have to pass as it moved upriver.10 That move began in the early afternoon of the same day. Too late the Phillipa's captain, Richard Maitland, spotted the Liberty waiting, full of armed men and mounting ten six-pound cannon ready for action. Before he realized fully what was happening, two warning shots were fired at the Phillipa. After a futile attempt to escape, Maitland hove to and responded to the Liberty Boy's demand to identify his ship.
During a short discourse in which Maitland declined Bowen's offer to act as pilot, a flag with the words "American Liberty" stamped on it was hoisted to the schooner's masthead. There was no longer room for doubt; the rebels had revealed their identity.
Before anything could be resolved, sudden contrary winds followed by an ebb tide forced both vessels to anchor. They remained at anchor until the following morning. Then Maitland had little choice but to obey Bowen's order to accompany the Liberty up the Savannah to Cockspur Island, where there was an encampment of about three hundred armed men.11 Shortly after both vessels anchored there, they were joined by the South Carolina barges. Bowen, Joyner, and Seth Cuthbert of Savannah led a boarding party which forced Maitland to hand over his ship's papers, including the cargo manifest. Then Joseph Habersham came aboard with a written order from the Georgia Provincial Congress which authorized him to seize all the arms, gunpowder, and whatever else was included in the cargo.12 When the unloading had begun, Maitland was allowed to depart for Savannah in order to inform Governor Wright of what had happened. The rebels recognized that there was little else he could do.
An account of events following Maitland's departure can be constructed from the affidavits of Samuel Burnett, the Phillipa's chief mate, and Richard Scriven, her steward, who gave their stories to William Addington. Justice of the Peace for Middlesex, England, almost two years later. All the gunpowder, along with a few kegs of musket balls, was transferred to the Liberty. But there was no room aboard the Liberty for most of the kegs and the small arms, so the Phillipa's crew was instructed to keep her at anchor near Cockspur Island until further notice. A guard was left on board to make sure these instructions were carried out. On July twelfth the Phillipa received instructions from the Georgia Committee of Safety to proceed to Savannah.13 There a second boarding party, led by William Platt, a Savannah merchant, and under the overall direction of the Committee, unloaded the rest of the cargo into boats and transported it to the city magazine for storage. Both the mate and the steward took pains to explain that the entire crew was under duress and obliged to carry out the "Liberty Boys" demands.
Maitland had returned to his ship before July twelfth, aware that British civil and military power was no longer effective in Georgia.14 The Committee of Safety now governed the province. Governor Wright had urged Maitland to leave a deposition with Anthony Stokes, the King's Chief Justice, but he knew that any warrants Stokes might issue were unenforceable. For his part, Maitland prudently put off taking this action until September for fear of reprisal. The necessity of having the cargo's bonds cancelled finally forced him to follow the governor's advice.
Eventually the Phillipa's, cargo was divided. Georgia's share was substantial — nine thousand pounds of gunpowder and most of the small arms. The "Liberty Boys" of Beaufort got the rest. Following the urgent request of the Continental Congress sitting at Philadelphia, five thousand pounds of Georgia's share of the powder was sent to that city. The troops of Richard Montgomery and Benedict Arnold used some of it during their invasion of Canada in November. Much of the rest enabled George Washington's army to drive the British forces under General William Howe out of Boston in March of the following year.15 The Georgia militia found its portion useful later on, when fighting began in the southern provinces. One week after July fourth, 1775, Georgia had shed its loyalist stance and was moving toward active and significant participation in the rebellion.


Notes to Above:
1. In this letter the Governor mentioned another letter sent to him by the Earl of Dartmouth some time earlier which explained that an order had been sent from the Admiralty to the admiral directing him to send an armed ship to Georgia. John Drayton.
Memoirs of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Charleston, 1821; repr. New York, 1969), 1: 348-50; and Ronald G. Killion and Charles T. Waller, Georgia and the Revolution (Atlanta, 1975), 140, 141.
2. The Indians of Georgia outnumbered white settlers in 1775. Allen D. Candler, comp., The Revolutionary Records of the State of Georgia, 3 vols. (Atlanta, 1908), 1: 300-1.
3. William Harden, A History of Savannah and South Georgia, 2 vols. (Chicago, 1913; repr. Atlanta, 1969), 1: 178, 1.
4. Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps., The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 26 vols. (Atlanta. 1904-1937), vols. 27-39 manuscripts at Georgia's Department of Archives and History, 38, pi. I: 475-77.
5. This forged letter also commented on the earlier letter from Dartmouth but explained that there was no longer a need for an armed vessel. John Draylon. Memoirs of the American Revolution, 2 vols., supra.
6. William Bacon Stevens, A History of Georgia, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1847-1859), 2: 103.
7. Ibid.
8. The Liberty, formerly the Elizabeth, was owned by Samuel Price and Richard Wright of Savannah. Price cooperated with the Congress acting as ship's pilot following its commissioning. Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps.. The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 26 vols., vols. 27-39 manuscripts, 38, pt. I: 614, 615.
9. Ibid.
10. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775. Allen D. Candler and Lucian La-mar Knight, comps., The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia. 26 vols., vol. 2 manuscript, 38, pt. 1; 606-614
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Affidavits of Richard Scriven and Samuel Burnett, 10 January 1777. Old Bailey Sessions Papers, Greater London Record Office, Middlesex Records. London, England. (Reference Number: o17770219-1, re Ebenezer Smith Platt, charged with High Treason on affidavits by RS & SB, AM 11/08).
14. Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps.. The Colonial Records of the Stale of Georgia. 26 Vols., Vols. 27-39 manuscripts. 38. pt. 1: 613, 614.
15. Hugh McCall, the History of Georgia, 2 vols. (Savannah: 1811-1816; repr. Atlanta, 1909). 291; and William Bacon Stevens, A History of Georgia, 2 Vols. 2: 104.

July 9, 1775 at Bloody Point, South Carolina - The South Carolina Council of Safety learned that a gunpowder shipment was on the way to Savannah. The gunpowder would be used to supply the Indians. The council sent 2 barges to Bloody Point to intercept the gunpowder shipment. Capts. John Joyner and John Barnwell, of the 1st South Carolina Regiment, commanded the barges. When they arrived at Bloody Point, they got a schooner, the Liberty, outfitted with 10 carriage guns, commanded by Capt. Oliver Bowen, to join the barges. The British shipment was escorted by the armed schooner, HMS Phillippa, which was commanded by Capt. Richard Maitland.

Note: no record in PRO of HMS Phillipa, probably not naval.

Robert S. Davis of Wallace State Community College, Hanceville, AL, has sent me an advance copy of an article he has written, to be published in the Georgia Historical Quarterly some time next year. It is about Ebenezer Smith Platt (#132-111, p. 93 in the 1963 Richard Platt Genealogy), b. Smithtown, NY 1753, no death info, m. Elizabeth Lovell Wright. A note in the Genealogy says, "Taken prisoner in Revolution and conveyed to London. His release obtained from George III through intercession of Mrs. Wright, well-known wax-works modeler, whose daughter he later married."

From Rootsweb:

Ebenezer Smith Platt:
The article gives a lot more detail about Ebenezer's exciting life. He was sent to Savannah by his father, Jonas, with a cargo of merchandise and instructions to purchase a plantation. His father joined him and they prepared to enter the slave trade, which enterprise was interrupted by the Revolutionary War. Jonas died soon after. His mother then joined him in 1775, but also died suddenly. Ebenezer then became involved in trade and privateering on behalf of the Georgia rebels. After various adventures, he was captured and taken to London in chains.
The above quote summarizes what happened next. The article seems to be well-documented, and raises some difficulties for us. No death date is given for Jonas5 in the Genealogy, but it has him dying in Smithtown. The article has his death in Savannah about 1774. The death of Ebenezer's mother, Temperance Smith is given in the Genealogy as 21 March 1813, but, as mentioned above, the article tells of her sudden death in Savannah in November 1775. The Genealogy gives the death date of Ebenezer's wife, Elizabeth Lovell Wright, as 23 February 1786, but the article has her death occurring in Bordentown, NJ in 1792. The article also mentions that he had a second wife, name unknown. Also, his date and place of death are unknown, but the article traces him to Baltimore, where he was living in poverty in 1804.



Richard Maitland’s Tea Party


NB Phillipa previously called the Magna Carta.
http://www.merchantnetworks.com.au/ships/shipstimeline1.htm
The American Revolution in the Southern Colonies By David Lee Russell Page 46:

When tea arrived in Charles Town harbour aboard the British ship “Magna Carta” in late June (1774?), Captain Richard Maitland told local officials that he would return the tea to England. But on rumours that Maitland planned to sell the tea anyway, angry and unemployed men in the port boarded the ship as Captain Maitland quickly exited to take refuge aboard the British man-of-war Britannia. In November the Britannia, which carried consigned tea, landed. The Charles Town General Committee ordered the merchants to dump the tea in the Cooper River to avoid mob violence, which they accomplished. Henry Laurens of Charles Town said these new acts were simply the first of perhaps many laws to “mandate which Ministers Shall think proper for keeping us in Subjection to the task master who Shall be put over is.”


Laboratory for Liberty: The South Carolina Legislative Committee System, 1719-1776
Book by George Edward Frakes; University Press of Kentucky, 1970. 201 pgs.
http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=98510546

CHAPTER VIII

Revolutionary Committee Activity, 1774-1776
Extract from p118 (119 not available)

In December, 1773, South Carolinians' concern over British policy shifted from New England to Charles Town Harbor. The problem was the arrival of the ship London carrying a load of East Indian tea. The tea ship docked at Charles Town at a time when South Carolinians and their fellow colonists were protesting against the Tea Act taxes.4 The radicals in South Carolina politics, led by Christopher Gadsden, took advantage of the hostile climate of public opinion toward royal officials. Four days after the London arrived, the South Carolina radical leaders called a general meeting of all citizens at the Great Hall of the Exchange Building to discuss the constitutional issues

A meeting at the Exchange Building was called on December 3 because 257 chests of East India Company tea had arrived in Charles Town two days before in Captain Alexander Curling’s ship, the London. George Gabriel Powell was elected chairman of the meeting, and it became apparent in the ensuing debate that most of the citizens present favored absolute non-importation of teas subject to tax. The East India Company consignees, who were present at the meeting, received the thanks and applause of the assembly when they promised not to accept the tea.


Various sites show:

HMS Britannia was a 100-gun first rate ship of the line of the Royal Navy. She was ordered on 25 April 1751 from Portsmouth Dockyard to the draught specified in the 1745 Establishment. Her keel was laid down on 1 July 1751 and she was launched on 19 October 1762. The cost of building and fitting totalled £45,844/2s/8d. Her main gundeck armament of twenty-eight 42-pounder guns was later replaced by 32-pounders. In the 1790s ten of her quarterdeck guns and two of her forecastle guns were replaced by the same number of 32-pounder carronades.

Britannia was first commissioned in September 1778 (probably not correct – AM), and saw service during the War of American Independence. From 1793–1795 she was the flagship of Vice-Admiral Hotham. She fought at the Battle of Cape St Vincent and at the Battle of Trafalgar, where she carried the flag of Rear-Admiral of the White William Carnegie, Earl of Northesk. She lost 10 men killed and 42 wounded at Trafalgar, and following that battle she was laid up in Ordinary in the Hamoaze at Plymouth in 1806.

The ship was renamed on 6 January 1810 as HMS Princess Royal, then on 18 January 1812 as HMS St George and once more on 2 June 1819 as HMS Barfleur.[1]

She was third of seven ships to bear the name Britannia, and was broken up at Plymouth in February 1825.

She was known as 'Old Ironsides' long before USS Constitution.

http://www.awiatsea.com/incidents/10%20July%201775%20Capture%20of%20the%20Philippa.html



 

Capture of the Philippa

10 July 1775

 

In early June 1775 the South Carolina Council of Safety learned of a shipment of gunpowder due to arrive in Savannah, Georgia. The information was that this was the annual present of gunpowder for the Indians. Since gunpowder and ammunition were in critically short supply in all the colonies, the Council of Safety determined to intercept the shipment.1

Two barges were sent from South Carolina, commanded by Captains John Joyner and John Barnwell of the 1st South Carolina regiment,2 with a total of about forty men each. These proceeded to Bloody Point to intercept the powder.3 Bloody Point, on Daufaskie Island, was the landfall for all vessels entering the Savannah River. From Bloody Point new arrivals were visible, as was the town of Savannah.4

Georgia Royal Governor Sir James Wright had anticipated trouble with the shipping in the river. Governor Wright had no military forces available in the colony and had written to General Gage and Admiral Graves for help.5 Help was coming, although not in response to Wright’s letter. On 27 June HM Schooner St. John (Lieutenant William Grant) sailed from St. Augustine, East Florida with dispatches for Wright, from Governor Patrick Tonyn.6

St. John arrived off Tybee Island lighthouse on 29 June. At 1400 she was nine to twelve miles south southeast of the lighthouse. Here she stopped a sloop from New Providence and searched her, and apparently kept her for the time being. At 1730 she anchored off the lighthouse, observing a tent on the beach and many men ashore and in boats, and the “liberty flag” flying from the top of the lighthouse. Grant sent a letter to Sir James Wright in the sloop, and went to quarters, where the crew stayed all night. 7 The men ashore were the South Carolinians and, probably, some assorted Georgia “Liberty Boys.”

 The next day Grant observed boats passing and re-passing to Tybee Island. He sent his master and a boat to find a conveyance for a letter to Sir James Wright at St. Augustine. In the afternoon St. John fired a few shots at a Carolina pilot boat, which refused to stop. St. John stopped another schooner from South Carolina and searched her, but she only had passengers for Georgia aboard. Grant’s men then boarded and searched a schooner from St. Vincent. Finally, Grant sent a boat and officer to town with a letter for the governor.8

On 4 July 1775 the Second Georgia Provincial Congress convened, and joined the Continental Association on 6 July. This brought the colony squarely into the rebellion.9 The Georgians had been aware of the presence of the South Carolinians and now blessed the enterprise by co-operating. The Georgians informed Barnwell and Joyner of the presence of the St. John. The schooner Elizabeth, owned by Samuel Price and Richard Wright of Savannah, was taken up and commissioned as the Liberty. Price cooperated with the Provincial Congress acting as schooner’s pilot.10 The Provincial Congress authorized Captain Oliver Bowen and Captain Joseph Habersham as commanders of the newly outfitted ten gun schooner. They were ordered to assist Captains Joyner and Barnwell of South Carolina (whose troops were on Tybee Island) in the capture of the incoming powder vessel. A secondary purpose was to nullify the St. John.11 Other reports list this vessel as having eight to ten guns, swivels, and a fifty-man crew.12 The cannon were 6-pounders. [cite]

The merchant ship in question was the 270-ton Phillipa [Philipa,  Philippa, formerly the Magna Carta] (Richard Maitland),13 which had sailed from London, England on 2 May 1775 with a cargo of 13000 pounds of gunpowder, as well as small arms, and casks of musket balls. The cargo was intended for the Indian trade and for British troops and loyalists in Georgia and eastern Florida.14

Grant was making every effort to find the powder vessel first. On 3 July he ran down a ship outside the bar, but she was from Barbados in ballast and was released.15 The presence of the Liberty and the two barges may have influenced Grant, and he moved further out to sea. On 9 July two more ships were stopped and searched for powder, but were released.16 Unknown to Grant, he had already missed his chance.

On 7 July17 the Phillipa anchored nine miles from Tybee Point, to await a pilot to take her up to Savannah. The Liberty was anchored out of sight from Tybee, but Bowen and Habersham were no doubt informed of the arrival of a large ship. On 8 July Liberty moved up and anchored in the ship channel about three or four miles from the Phillipa. If the powder ship moved up river it would have to pass the schooner.18 At 1400 a pilot went aboard the Phillippa and she got underway.19


Map of the entrance to the Savannah River. The action seems to be usually known as “Bloody Point” for no good reason.

As Phillippa moved upriver, Maitland got a closer look at the schooner. “The schooner was full of armed men and had ten carriage-guns mounted.” Below her deck several boards had been removed “which were for small arms in close quarters.”20 At 1600 the Liberty fired two muskets at the Phillippa as a signal to heave to, and ordered Maitland to identify himself.21 Maitland was suspicious, having had a previous experience in South Carolina, when he had violated the Continental Association and been exposed for it. [cite] Maitland made a futile effort to escape before he hove to.22 Maitland demanded to know who the schooner was.23 Bowen offered to serve as a pilot for the ship, which Maitland declined.24 Bowen then  “hauled down their pendant and hoisted at the masthead a white flag with a red border, on the field of which flag was stamped or imprinted in large red letters the word ‘American Liberty’, and the people on board the schooner said the schooner’s name was the Liberty.”25



Modern interpretation of the Georgia "Liberty" flag flown by the Georgia Navy Schooner Liberty.

A change in the wind and an ebb tide forced both vessels to anchor. They remained at anchor until the following morning. Then Maitland was ordered to sail up the Savannah to Cockspur Island, with Liberty following. About three hundred men were camped there. Maitland was ordered to anchor, and the two South Carolina barges came out and joined the schooner. Bowen, Joyner, and Seth Cuthbert of Savannah led a boarding party to the Phillipa. Maitland was forced to hand over his papers. Next Captain Joseph Habersham came aboard. He had a written order from the Provincial Congress which authorized him to seize the arms, gunpowder, and whatever else was included in the cargo.26 Maitland was informed that the Americans would “take all the gunpowder, shot, lead, and Indian trading arms.”27 When the unloading had begun, Maitland was allowed to depart for Savannah in order to inform Governor Wright of what had happened.28

The Americans were able to take off 16,000 pounds of powder and “seven hundredweight of leaden bullets.” They also “took away all the bar-lead, sheet-lead, Indian trading arms, and shot, that were on board.” The Carolinians and the Georgians divided the cargo between them.29

All the gunpowder, along with a few kegs of musket balls, was transferred to the Liberty. There was no room aboard the Liberty for many of the kegs of powder and the small arms, so the Phillipa’s crew was instructed to keep her at anchor near Cockspur Island. A “prize crew” was put aboard to insure that she stayed put. On 12 July the Phillipa received instructions from the Georgia Committee of Safety to proceed to Savannah.30  There a second boarding party, led by William Platt, a Savannah merchant, and under the overall direction of the Committee, unloaded the rest of the cargo into boats and transported it to the city magazine for storage.31

Maitland met his ship at Savannah and was aboard by 12 July. Governor Wright urged Maitland to file a protest or affidavit with Anthony Stokes, the chief justice of the province. This would have had no effect but to draw more attention to Maitland. The necessity of having the cargo’s bonds cancelled finally forced Maitland to file an affidavit on 21 September 1775.32

The very real risk these early rebels ran was exemplified by the case of Ebenezer Smith Platt. Platt moved to Savannah from New York in March 1775. At Savannah, Platt was in the mercantile business.33 Platt became a member of the committee of Savannah, and was among those that boarded the Philippa at Savannah.34 In January 1776 Platt was en route to Saint-Domingue to purchase arms for the Provincial Congress. The prize was taken in to Jamaica. Because the vessel was registered as English, Platt was ordered to sell his cargo, but escaped prison. On his return voyage, in another vessel, Platt was again captured.35 This time he was recognized as a leader in the Philippa affair. Platt was confined aboard a ship of war from March 1776 to January 1777. He was then taken to England, where  he was heavily ironed and imprisoned in Newgate, charged with high treason.36 An unofficial British committee working for relief of American prisoners petitioned, in mid-March 1778,37 that he be tried or admitted to bail.38 Platt was released by 3 April 1778 and planned to go to France to return to America.39
__________

1 Patrick O’Kelley, “Nothing but Blood and Slaughter:” Military Operations and Order of Battle of the Revolutionary War in the Carolinas, Volume One 1771-1779, Booklocker.com: 2004, p. 32
2 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:32
3 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:32
4 Hufford, Jon R., “Enough Gunpowder to Start a Revolution,” paper. Texas Tech University. 2007, 315. http://esr.lib.ttu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1033&context=lib_fac_research Accessed 1/28/08
5 Hufford, 315
6 NDAR, “Journal of His Majesty’s Schooner St. John, Lieut. William Grant, Commanding,” I, 766-767
7 NDAR, “Journal of His Majesty’s Schooner St. John, Lieutenant William Grant, Commanding,” I, 783
8 NDAR, “Journal of His Majesty’s Schooner St. John, Lieut. William Grant, Commanding,” I, 794
9 http://ourgeorgiahistory.com/wars/Revolution/revolution06.html. 1/24/08
10 Hufford, 316n8. This is from  Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps.. The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 26 vols., vols. 27-39
anuscripts, 38, pt. I: 614, 615.
11Paullin, Charles Oscar, The Navy of the American Revolution, The Burrows Brothers Company: Cleveland, 1906, 459; NDAR, “Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth,” I, 845
12Paullin, Navy of the American Revolution, 459; NDAR, “Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth,” I, 845
13Coleman, Georgia, 53; Paullin, Navy of the American Revolution, 460; NDAR, “Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth,” I, 856; “Henry Laurens to John Laurens, London,” I, 885
14 Hufford, 315
15NDAR, “Journal of His Majesty’s Schooner St. John, Leut. William Grant, Commanding,” I, 812
16NDAR, “Journal of His Majesty’s Schooner St. John, Leut. William Grant, Commanding,” I, 848
17 Hufford, 317
18 Hufford, 317. Hufford cites the Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775, from  Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps., The Colonial Records of the Stale of Georgia. 26 vols., vol. 2 manuscript, 38, pt. 1; 606-614
19 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Not on 9 July, as stated, however.
20 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland’s affidavit.
21 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33
22 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
23 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33
24 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
25 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland’s affidavit.
26 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
27 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland’s affidavit.
28 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
29 O’Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland’s affidavit.
30 Hufford, 318 and 318n13. Citing the Affidavits of First Mate Samuel Burnett and Steward Richard Scriven, on 10 January 1777. Old Baily
Sessions Papers, Greater London Record Office, Middlesex Records. London, England.
31 Ibid.
32 Hufford, 318
33 Laurens, Henry. The Papers of Henry Laurens. University of South Carolina Press: Columbia, 1999, 413n18
34 Andrews, Charles MacLean. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, Volume II: Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers . Carnegie Institute of Washington: Washington. 1914, 268
35 Laurens, Henry. The Papers of Henry Laurens. University of South Carolina Press: Columbia, 1999, 413n18
36 Andrews, Charles MacLean. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, Volume II: Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers . Carnegie Institute of Washington: Washington. 1914, 268
37 Laurens, Henry. The Papers of Henry Laurens. University of South Carolina Press: Columbia, 1999, 413n18
38 Andrews, Charles MacLean. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, Volume II: Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers . Carnegie Institute of Washington: Washington. 1914, 268
39 The Record of the Celebration of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Benjamin Franklin Under the Auspices of the American Philosophical Society Held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge April the Seventeenth to April the Twentieth A.D. Nineteen Hundred and Six. The American Philosophical Society: Philadelphia, 1908. Vol II, 388.


Ebeneezer Smith Platt


http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/h/a/r/Richard-J-Harvey/GENE4-0007.html
3/2010

Child of JONAS PLATT and TEMPERANCE SMITH is:
i.  EBENEZER SMITH8 PLATT, b. 1753, Smithtown L.I. N.Y.; m. ELIZABETH LOVELL WRIGHT.


A Georgian and a New Country:
Ebenezer Platt's Imprisonment in Newgate for Treason in "The Year of the Hangman," 1777

By Robert S. Davis Jr.

On July 9, 1775, South Carolina and Georgia rebels converged on the British merchant ship Philippa. Unaware that royal authority in these colonies had been supplanted by rebellious Americans, the ship had arrived at Savannah, Georgia with a cargo that included several tons of munitions for southern colonial merchants. A source in Georgia had informed the Carolinians of the pending arrival of a ship laden with powder and shot for the British troops and as presents for the Indians. The Carolinians initiated a plan to seize that vessel but Georgia's new Provincial Congress also participated in the project. The latter purchased a schooner, renamed it the Liberty, and commissioned it as what Georgia historian Charles C. Jones deemed as the first privateer of the American Revolution. They gave command of the ship to Oliver Bowen and Joseph Habersham for the mission.

Flying a white flag, bordered in red that read "American Liberty," the schooner mistook the Philippa for the expected British government powder ship and chased it out to sea before using the threat of ten cannons and numerous swivel guns to force the Philippa to nearby Cockspur Island. There some three hundred rebels, flying their American Liberty flags, used two barges provided by South Carolina to board the ship. Over the protests of the captain, Richard Maitland, who had nearly suffered tar and feathering the previous year for trying to import the banned British tea into South Carolina, the rebels presented their orders from George Walton, secretary of the Georgia Provincial Congress, and seized the private cargo of powder. They also discovered that the ship carried a large quantity of small arms and shot. The Georgia Provincial Congress ordered the vessel brought up river to Savannah, where a committee composed of Mordecai Sheftall, Joseph Spencer, and Ebenezer Smith Platt took charge of the ship and the newly discovered arms and ammunition.

Of far more value to the American cause than the tea and other commercial commodities seized by various rebel groups, the powder and shot of the Philippa's cargo served the American cause well. Georgia, through South Carolina's council, sent 5,000 pounds of their portion of the powder to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, which with 5,212 pounds of South Carolina's portion, supplied the Americans at the siege of Boston and in the invasion of Canada.

As with all else that occurred on that day, Ebenezer Smith Platt could not know the international ramifications of his presence on the ship. Born in 1753 in Smithtown, Long Island, New York, he came from a prominent family. His uncle, judge Zephariah Platt, founded Plattsburg, New York and served in the Continental Congress. Ebenezer's brother Richard served as an aide de camp to General Richard Montgomery in the American invasion of Canada. In his arms, Montgomery died. In 1774, Ebenezer, by then a New York watch and clock maker, advertised for an apprentice. In March of the following year, however, his father Jonas sent him to the South with a cargo of merchant goods and instructions to purchase a plantation. The younger Platt moved to Savannah, where he sold the cargo and bought some 5,000 acres of land. His father soon joined him and they began a venture to import slaves from Africa when the coming revolution closed British trade. His father died shortly thereafter.

By the time of his mother's arrival and sudden death in November 1775, Platt had embarked on a career as a merchant in the firm of Cuthbert & Platt, while involving himself in the politics of the coming revolution. Savannah's rebels elected him to their newly created Parochial Committee meeting at Tondee's Tavern. He actively worked with the committee to enforce, sometimes violently, the American ban on trade with the British. His activities eventually placed his name on the list of Georgians deemed traitors by Georgia's Loyalist colonial government. In January 1776, Platt loaded two ships to take to St. Nicholas to trade for more munitions for the Georgia rebels. Just outside his destination, the British warship Maidestone captured the vessel that carried Platt. Taken to Jamaica, Platt obtained the release of his vessel as English property with the requirement that he sell his cargo there. He encountered Captain Maitland and the two spent eight weeks together in relative camaraderie. During a drunken party, he left rather than drink "damnation to all Americans." In his absence, Maitland told of Platt's involvement in the Philippa affair. Upon learning what Maitland said, the governor ordered Platt brought before him. After an interview, he had the Georgia merchant released. However, as Platt tried to sail away from Jamaica in March 1776, sailors from the royal navy boarded the ship where he had taken passage and seized him and his black servant. They were imprisoned on the British ship Antelope for his aiding the Georgia rebels. Technically, the naval officers had him impressed as an able bodied seaman as an excuse for his confinement. A Jamaican court ordered him released but British Vice-Admiral Clark Gayton, fearing a law suit from Platt, kept the American imprisoned. Still in chains, Platt found himself moved from ship to ship to prevent his release by writ of habeas corpus. He sold his servant to raise money to pay for his necessities. During his captivity, he even spent time in a British warship in New York harbor. Eventually, he arrived in England, by way of several ships. Using a writ of habeas corpus, Platt finally forced British authorities to bring him ashore for trial on December 4, 1776. By then, he had spent eight months at sea in chains.

After spending two days in London's Clerkenwell Prison, Platt found himself before Sir John Fielding and Sir William Addinginton, justices of the peace of Middlesex County, on January 23, 1777. Witnesses brought to England to testify against Platt fled custody but two were recaptured and made depositions in private against the unlucky Georgian. Addington ordered Platt held for treason in Newgate, the prison that served Middlesex, London, and all courts above local jurisdiction.

Ebenezer Smith Platt had become a legal problem of enormous proportions. Did he stand before the English judicial system as an English citizen guilty of treason or as a civilian prisoner of war? Whichever course the courts took, what would be the consequences in America for loyal British subjects and for Americans later taken as prisoners? Were his actions on the Philippa acts of piracy against a commercial vessel or was he only a bystander engaged in legitimate political dissent or in treason unrelated to the fate of the Philippa? Did his seizure represent a legal arrest or an act of piracy and kidnapping by the British navy? When fully apprised of his rights as an Englishman, even a rebellious one, Platt petitioned the Lord Mayor of London, in lieu of habeas corpus, for trial. The plea brought him a hearing in the adjoining courthouse, known as "Old Bailey," where the court determined that it had no authority to try, release, or grant bail to Platt. An attorney for Platt argued for his trial before the Appellate Court of the King's Bench. The court refused on the grounds that should Platt be found guilty of treason and hanged, the American rebels would retaliate against loyal British subjects. A trial of Platt threatened to expose the scandal that the British navy had received orders in Jamaica to prey upon American commercial shipping months before Parliament legalized such seizures. Parliament had also now limited habeas corpus to requiring the permission of the King's Privy Council for persons held for treason. Platt's attorney argued unsuccessfully that this act exceeded the authority of Parliament.

Platt did not realize the depth of his troubles, despite having already spent months as a prisoner in chains. Newgate Prison's reputation for brutal and unsanitary conditions still finds a place in the annals of the worst prisons, especially for inmates without money and influence. Escapes from the prison frequently occurred but not by men held in chains. At the same time, without a legal means to force his trial or release, Platt risked staying an occupant of Newgate indefinitely. Growing economic and social unrest in England, made worse by the failing fortunes of the British military in America, did not offer him any hope of sympathy from His Majesty's increasingly inflexible authority.

Unbeknownst to the prisoner at Newgate, however, his peculiar situation drew powerful allies to his aid. American gazettes gave him the dubious distinction of being the first American civilian held as a prisoner for the civil crime of treason rather than as a captured prisoner of war. The press widely reported his plight. What had happened to him technically could happen to hundreds of thousands of Americans who provided any form of aid to the rebellion. The Georgia delegates to the Continental Congress successfully petitioned the Congress to request that Benjamin Franklin, the American representative in France, work for Platt's release.

Patience Lovell Wright, American wax worker (artist making busts), spy for the rebels, and high ranking socialite (she referred to the King and Queen by their first names), worked on behalf of Platt and the cause of all Americans being held in English prisons. Undoubtedly with her help, Platt used the major tool of the era for drumming up popular support. He issued a pamphlet promoting his cause. Wright also started a fund for supporting all American prisoners held by the British, although Platt appeared as the only named beneficiary. She wrote to her friend Benjamin Franklin, not yet contacted by Congress, with letters on Platt's behalf. By Platt's own admission, the governor of Newgate treated him well but even as powerful a political leader as John Wilkes failed to persuade the prison officials to take off his chains.

Franklin no doubt acted out of his friendship for Wright, but the same issues of the American papers that carried the news of Platt's arrest also reported on British attempts to have Franklin arrested and extradited to England. Except for French intractability, Franklin might well have joined Platt at Newgate. Aiding in this cause started Franklin on the road to obtain the freedom of all Americans held in English prisons.

" Wright's influence, pressure by critics of government policy in Parliament, and Franklin's efforts finally persuaded the Privy Council to allow Platt a release on bail. Platt married Wright's daughter Elizabeth on March 26, 1778. She had regularly visited Platt in jail, while accompanied by her mother, and had helped in winning Franklin's help in his cause. The couple then fled to France, where Franklin gave them thirty guineas with which to return to America. En route to the new United States, a British privateer captured Platt's ship, the New Friends of Charleston. He spent several months in Scotland as a prisoner on parole. By the end of 1778, he reached Philadelphia where he unsuccessfully petitioned the Continental Congress for the 100 pounds he had heard they had voted him as compensation for his troubles.

Platt's story does not have a particularly happy ending. He lived in New York for a time before, in 1785, being reported by his legal ward as having "absconded." He moved back to Georgia, but stayed only briefly before moving to Kentucky in the late 1780s where, by 1792, he worked as a clock and watchmaker in Lexington. His wife, a prominent wax worker in New York since 1787, died in Bordentown, New Jersey in 1792, leaving a will that made no mention of Platt. By 1804 he was bankrupt. Three years later, by then a resident of Baltimore, Maryland, he unsuccessfully petitioned Congress for a pension based upon his months of imprisonment. Old, sick, and impoverished, Platt also had a failed memory. Among his many errors, he referred to the ship that began his troubles as the "Magnacharta," the previous name of the Philippa. His date and place of death remain a mystery.

The tale of Ebenezer Smith Platt and his time at Newgate Prison raised issues in England and America on the rights of citizens and the definition of treason before English common law. The growing conflict in America still lacked legal definition when Platt found himself entrapped in the English legal system. Through the services of Patience Wright and her daughter, he won release by arguing his cause on justice rather than legalities. He thus saved himself from indefinite confinement in Newgate while the English legal system evolved in dealing with a conflict in America that grew from civil strife to armed rebellion to a world war between independent nations. His sufferings for the American cause earned him passing references in the early histories of Georgia and, in recent times, in the studies of Benjamin Franklin's relationship with Patience Wright. For most of the years since he unknowingly put himself in jeopardy by boarding the Philippa, he and his story became largely forgotten, even as an example of the complexities of his revolution.


5.  BACKGROUND INFORMATION



SHADWELL


Wikipedia:
Etymology
In the 13th century, the area was known as Scadflet and Shatfliet[1] – derived from the Anglo-Saxon fleot, meaning a shallow creek or bay – the land was a low lying marsh, until drained (by order of Act of Parliament, after 1587) by Cornelius Vanderdelf.[2] A spring, issuing from near the south wall of the churchyard was dedicated to St Chad, and filled a nearby well.[3] The origin of the name is therefore confused, being associated with both the earlier use and the later well.

Origins
In the 17th century, Thomas Neale became a local landowner, and built a mill and established a waterworks on large ponds, left by the draining of the marsh. The area had been virtually uninhabited and he developed the waterfront, with houses behind as a speculation. Shadwell became a maritime hamlet with roperies, tan yards, breweries, wharves, smiths and numerous taverns, which built up around the chapel of St Paul's. Seventy-five sea captains are buried in its churchyard, while Captain James Cook had his son baptised there.

By the mid-18th century Shadwell Spa was established, producing sulphurous waters, in Sun Tavern fields. As well as medicinal purposes, salts were extracted from the waters; and used by local calicoprinters to fix their dyes.

The modern area is dominated by the enclosed former dock, Shadwell Basin, whose construction destroyed much of the earlier settlement – by this time degenerated into slums.[2] The basin once formed the eastern entrance to the then London Docks, with a channel leading west to St Katharine Docks. It is actually two dock basins - the south basin was constructed in 1828-32 and the north basin in 1854-8.

Unlike nearby Limehouse Basin, few craft larger than canoes can be seen on Shadwell Basin, which is largely used for fishing and watersports - and as a scenic backdrop to the modern residential developments that line it. The basin, however, is still connected to the Thames and the channel is spanned by a bascule bridge.

Parish church
St. Paul's Shadwell with St. James Ratcliffe, is traditionally known as the Church of Sea Captains. In 1656 the church was established as a Chapel of Ease, from St Dunstan's, at Stepney. In 1669, it was rebuilt as the Parish Church of Shadwell, and it was the last of five parish churches rebuilt after the Restoration. In 1820, it was again rebuilt as a 'Waterloo church'.

Captain James Cook was an active parishioner and John Wesley preached in the church from time to time. Isham Randolph, one of Thomas Jefferson's grandfathers and son of William Randolph, was married in St. Paul's church. Jefferson's boyhood home was named Shadwell after the parish.


Wikipedia:
Watermen's Stairs were semi permanent structures that formed part of a complex transport network of public stairs, causeways and alleys in use from the 1300s onwards to access the waters of the tidal River Thames in Great Britain. They were used by Watermen, who taxied passengers across and along the river in London.
Stairs were used at high tide and causeways were used at low tide, built down to the littoral water level from street level, their location was memorized during a Watermen's apprenticeship. Stairs were recognized by custom and practice, as safe plying places to pick up and put down passengers and were a valuable aid to rescue should anyone be unfortunate enough to fall in to the river as they were often built adjacent to a public house

King James Stairs & Sugar:
There is evidence of a sugar baker’s in King James Stairs between 1749 & 1762 (Sun Insurance records via Mawer).


Shadwell - St. Paul's Church - board records baptism of Cook's son, James, there.
Shadwell - 340 The Highway - plaques marks site of Cook's house at 126 Upper Shadwell from 1762 to 1763.

A detailed history of St Paul's Shadwell


Internet: http://www.stpaulsshadwell.org/Group/Group.aspx?id=47149 10/2009.

By Alan Baxter and Associates
1 The beginnings
The remains of a guard tower suggest that The Highway, on the higher ground above the flood-prone area to the south, formed a main approach to Roman London from the east, but it seems unlikely that there was any significant settlement in the area up until the 16th century. The name ‘Shadewell’ was recorded as early as 1223, and could have derived from Shady (or Poisoned) Well, Shallow Well, or perhaps a corruption of St Chad’s Well. Despite such early records, the area was sparsely inhabited, and in Tudor times it was covered with ditches feeding a tidal mill.

Shadwell developed as a notable settlement from around 1600. It was in this year that it was first mentioned in the baptism registers of St Dunstan’s, Stepney, and its rapid growth is shown by its frequent recurrence in the registers thereafter. Its position was ideal for further growth, as Ratcliff immediately to the east was the nearest landfall downriver of London with a good road to the capital, and was a place of embarkation and disembarkation for travellers and sailors alike.

The majority of the land in Shadwell, from the site of the present Church in the west to the borders of Ratcliff in the east, and from the line later marked by Cable Street to the river, was owned by the Deans of St Paul’s, who were inactive landlords. Nevertheless, in the early 17th century there was a considerable growth in marine industries and trades in the area, which caused a great increase in population and led to a house building boom. Over 60 fines were levied on Shadwell houses built illegally in the 1620s and 1630s along The Highway and the riverfront, and beside Fox’s Lane which ran between them just east of where the present Church now stands.

By the time the Commonwealth government surveyed the Dean’s lands in 1650 there were 703 houses in Shadwell, excluding the area west of Fox’s Lane not owned by the Dean. Around 60% of the householders made their living on the river, as mariners or watermen etc, while another 20% were in trades reliant directly on shipping, such as shipbuilding or supporting crafts. 32 wharves lined the 400 yards of riverfront, while roperies, timber yards and smithies filled much of the land behind.

In a few decades Shadwell had developed piecemeal into a considerable settlement through speculative building, which had created a sprawl of houses and industries with no defined centre and little social organisation. At around 3% of the population, the ‘middle class’ in Shadwell was extremely small in comparison to the other Stepney hamlets. As late as 1640, the parish of Stepney had 41 officers, but there were none responsible for Shadwell. The area desperately needed social leadership and physical improvement.

2 Thomas Neal and urban development
Thomas Neal (or Neale) was a speculative builder, responsible for Neal Street and the Seven Dials area of the West End. In 1656 he built a chapel in Shadwell (described in 3 below), fulfilling the wishes of many local residents who felt that, with a population of around 6,000 people, the area needed a focal point for the community. His activity in Shadwell brought him into close friendship with William Sancroft, the Dean of St Paul’s who had recovered the land after the Restoration, and who later became Archbishop of Canterbury. This close relationship allowed Neal to obtain the lease of Shadwell on extremely favourable terms in 1669, and he set about improving the area in the hope of increasing its value.

One of Neal’s first successes was in 1670, when his influential friends allowed him to overcome numerous objections to splitting up the huge parish of Stepney. In spite of other previous and much more practical proposals for four equal parishes to be created, he gained separate parish status for the Shadwell Chapel. The new parish church, serving an area only 910 by 760 yards, was rededicated to St Paul in honour of the Dean of St Paul’s who had been so favourable toward him. This victory gave Shadwell its own social structure centred around the parish church, with its own organisation of churchwardens to look after the community, ensure law and order, and levy rates to fund local improvements.

Neal’s commitment to the area continued until his death at the end of the century. In 1673 he rebuilt over 100 homes after they were destroyed by fire, replanning the area with wider streets and building a new quay along the river. In 1682 he rehoused over 1500 families after a massive fire in Wapping and Shadwell, laying out Dean Street as a new thoroughfare. Neal also obtained a charter to hold a market, which he built in 1681-82, so that his tenants did not have to travel to the City to buy and sell, the nearer Ratcliff market having foundered. In 1684, he opened a water works that pumped water from the river to houses from East Smithfield to Stepney, and lasted until it was bought up by the London Dock Company in the early 19th century.

Thomas Neal’s achievement was to turn the ramshackle, amorphous grouping of houses into a real community with a religious and social centre in its parish church, and a commercial heart surrounding its market. He greatly improved the attractiveness of the area, paving the way for it to become famous as a residence of sea captains during the 18th century.

3 The first church
The Chapel was built between 1656 and 1658 on land just outside the Dean of St Paul’s estate, along The Highway on the high ground that never flooded. It was a relatively simple building, still owing much to the medieval past in its triple-gabled nave and aisles layout, though the individual features such as the round-headed windows were classical.

Some important elements of this original Church still survive in the present building, most notably the font. The pulpit was thought to be original by some historians, but a different type is shown on illustrations of the old interior. There also remain considerable items of furniture and plate from the old Church.

4 The eighteenth century
Shadwell continued to grow in the early part of the 18th century as most of the spare land was developed. A survey in 1732 noted over 1800 houses in the parish, many of which had degenerated into slums. Unskilled people flocked to the parish from as far afield as north east England and Ireland, looking for casual labour on the docks and wharves. The continuing increase in seaborne trade and naval expansion contributed to a growth in marine industries, including the roperies with their typical long, narrow sheds and walks, so evident on early maps.

Shadwell was famous for its many master mariners; over 175 were registered as living in the parish at one time or another. By the end of the century, St Paul’s was known as ‘the Church of the Sea Captains’, and 75 were said to be buried in its vaults. Captain Cook was perhaps the most famous parishioner, though Thomas Jefferson’s mother was also a regular worshipper before emigrating to America. The Church was the centre of community life in Shadwell, and attracted considerable bequests for its charitable works. Although not one of the more missionary churches in the area, it was nonetheless the scene for five of John Wesley’s sermons between 1770 and 1790, including his very last.

Shadwell’s maritime connections opened it up to the successive waves of immigrants that came to Britain from the later 17th century. Huguenots were among the first to arrive, and planted the ancient mulberry tree which still survives in the Rectory garden for their silkworms. Spanish and Portuguese Jews arrived later, and were known for their skills in metal working and casting. Germans and Scandinavians were also a strong presence in Shadwell, being mainly concerned with the timber trade and related businesses. The area was also notorious for its many taverns and brothels, which did extremely well out of the sailors passing almost continuously through the area.

The industrialisation of the area slowly led to a decline in the social status of the inhabitants, and in their living conditions. J P Malcolm described Shadwell in the following terms in 1803:

Thousands of useful tradesmen, artisans and mechanics, and numerous watermen inhabit Shadwell, but their homes and workshops will not bear description; nor are the streets, courts, lanes and alleys by any means inviting. …[the Church] is a most disgraceful building of brick totally unworthy of description.

The fabric of the Church suffered from the inability of the parishioners to pay adequately for its upkeep. The unstable south wall was rebuilt in 1735, but by the end of the century the local people could not raise enough money to perform vital repairs. When part of the ceiling fell down in 1811, the Church was declared unfit for use, and was closed for all services except christenings and burials.

Reference article continues on the present day.


PRO 17/11/08:

TS 11/1057 – Trial papers of Ebenezer Smith Platt – all copied
T 1/509 ff174-177  - Letter from East India Company re tea losses in Georgia. Copies, but N/A.
HCA 26/12/87 – Registers of Declarations for Letters of Marque against France for Richard Maitland
HCA 26/12/101 – John Maitland surgeon on privateer.
PRO 30/29/3/5 – 17 copy letters, background only.


Priestley Machine


In the mid-eighteenth century, an interest in electrostatics was very fashionable. The well-off would not only attend lectures but buy the books and equipment to copy  the demonstrations they had seen in the lectures.

Take a good look at this engraving, from a book by William Watson (1748). A simple hand-driven machine provides the electrical charge.

A very popular demonstration was to hang small boys by silk ropes and charge them electrically. Their hair would stand on end and sparks might fly to anyone who stood near. In the background are two bells that would ring under the influence of electricity. The young girl also receives electrical charge. Another popular demonstration was to let charge build up in a young girl and invite members of the audience to experience and 'electrical kiss'.

The whole thing became 'the latest trend', and good money could be gained by electrifying people in fair grounds. People thought that being electrified was good for their health.

In the picture above, a man turns the handle on the machine which turns a glass globe. The woman assistant holds her hand against the spinning globe to 'produce' static by the action of friction. The boy's feel also appear to rub against the globe.

What happens when the boy and girl touch hands? Why is the girl standing on a barrel? What is the girl looking at?
Study the picture then try our matching exercise.

the machine shown below was designed and built a little later than the scene above and for a much more serious study of electricity.

The need for an assistant has been dispensed with. Instead a pad is used to rub against the glass. We now know that electrons would have been rubbed from the glass onto the pad, making the glass positively charged and the pad negatively charged. Of course this was a long time before electrons were known about, but the words positive and negative were used.

However what makes the machine so very special is not so much its construction but that it was almost certainly designed, commissioned and used by a most remarkable scientist: Joseph Priestley. A man who made huge contributions to science.

The machine would have been made at about the time that Priestley wrote 'History and Present State of Electricity'. In this book he describes a timeline of discoveries in the area of electrostatics and suggests a few ideas of his own. To find out more, read about Static history or Priestley's story.


The Atlantic


PRO:
Item details SP 89/81: Sir John Hort to Viscount Weymouth. Manslaughter of a sailor by the mate of the British ship Atlantic in the Tagus, and steps he has taken in this case. The complaints against the Portuguese brokers, and British seamen imprisoned for seven years without trial, are still unresolved. Spanish naval and military preparations at Cadiz; Ferrol, and elsewhere.
dates 1776 Mar. 9 Lisbon

                       St James 2 April 1776
Sir John Hort
Sir,
Your letter to No 1 of this year have been received and laid before the King.
Proper attention shall be paid to the account you have given of the unfortunate Scuffle on board the British Ship Atlantic, Thoms Borg, Master, between Alex Kidd, the Chief Mate, and Robert Jackson, one of the sailors, in which Jackson, by a Blow, or a Jostle of the other was thrown into the Tagus, and was drowned. Notice will be given at the different Ports, that, on the arrival of the Vessel the person of Kidd may be secured, that he may be tried for this offence.
You will please to acquaint me, for his Majesty's Information, what circumstances prevent the Affair of this British Seaman, who has been seven years in Prison, from being concluded in order that such steps may be taken as may procure their trial or their release.


PRO:
Item details SP 89/82: Affidavit of Thos. Boog and others of the British ship Atlantic, relative to death of Robert Jackson after a scuffle with the mate, Alexander Kidd. 1776 Mar. 2 Lisbon.

No5                               Lisbon the 23 May 1776
My Lord,
     I acknowledged by the last packet the honour of your Lordships letters of the 23 & 26th past.
     We since learn by the Clementine Cat Brown from Philadelphia, that they left in Delaware bay two French armed ships frigate built and three merchant ships of the same nation, all laden with military stores: As this vessel has had a long passage and is several days arrived here, the news she brings will probably have been received in London before this reaches your Lordship; I mention it however, because  the armed ships are talked of here as frigates, but thought they are indeed said to be very stout vessels, I am assured they are absolutely private property: I know not with what propriety I signify to your Lordship, that having
Lord Viscount Weymouth
P2:
in private conversation on this news, with the French ambassador at this court, hinted my wonder at the impolicy of his masters furnishing succours to the Americas, he assured me very solemnly, that though he would not answer for the boldness of private adventurers, tempted by most advantageous offers of barter, yet he was perfectly persuaded that the present French administration were honestly and thoroughly sensible, that France was interested against the success of the Rebels, and would neither directly nor indirectly give them any assistance.
     Within these two days I have seen two English gentlemen just arrived after a short passage from Philadelphia. They ventured to assert, that the Southern colonies as far as New York inclusively, are generally disposed to return to their duty, on what the stile reasonable terms: that the Northern settlements are generally enough understood to mean independence: but would assuredly be abandoned by the others, if equitable conditions were held out by Great Britain; Entering into particulars, these gentlemen said they had been over the greater part of Pennsylvania and discoursed repeatedly and freely with eight of ten particular members of the congress, whose uniform capital article was redress in the matter of taxation, but on my inquiry whether these particular member had annexed any explicit sense to their idea of redress, on that head: the answer was, what your Lordship has doubtless heard a thousand times, that they agreed on the fitness of their contributions to the supplies of the state, but tat unless each colony were permitted to ascertain its own quota, they were not constitutionally Englishmen: In the mean time they say that hardly a boy of sixteen years old is unarmed, through all that province.
    Having signified to Mr Walpole your Lordships mention to one of the dispositions in the affair of Alexander Kidd; he has put into my hands and I have the honour of forwarding them to your Lordship with this letter.
    I also enclose and affidavit made before the British vice consul in this city, by William Darby and George Jay, two gentlemen on board the merchant ship Turkey frigate, George Jenkins master: these men, not as I understand any others of the crew, were ever upon by their captain to sign their contract for wages; this neglect has been the occasion of many vexatious contests both in the present occasion and in many other cases, I have therefore thought it necessary to lay before your Lordship, in order to prosecution for the panelaty of £5 per seaman; which by the Statute 2: George 2, C 36; is forfeited to the use of Greenwich hospital.
          I have the honour to be
                 My Lord
                    your Lordships most humble        
                       & obedient servant,
                                John Nort.


http://www.cas.sc.edu/SCIAA/mrd/documents/sc_shipbuilding.pdf
Occasional Maritime Research Papers
Maritime Research Division, South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, USC
Extract:-
......Ships and Schooners
This Port Royal may have been Hilton Head Island, South Carolina.

For evidence of ship design meeting environmental conditions and customer’s needs, we turn again to the available ship registers. They show that the Carolina-built, shiprigged vessel was, in general, of moderate size, yet larger than ships being built in the

other shipbuilding colonies. South Carolina shipwrights were certainly able to build large ocean-going ships. The 280-ton ship Queen Charlotte, built in 1764 by John Emrie, and Occasional Maritime Research Papers Maritime Research Division, South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, USC the 260-ton ship Atlantic, built at Port Royal in 1773, are two examples. However, shiprigged vessels built in South Carolina during this time averaged 180 tons.....

Also Reference to a store ship Atlantic at Calcutta 1793.



 

Search Our Georgia History

http://ourgeorgiahistory.com/search?id=3131

September 10, 1775 Captain Oliver Bowen and Major Joseph Habersham are ordered to Tybee Island to watch for a ship bringing powder for the Royalists 

September 17, 1775 Capt. Bowen, Capt. Barnwell, (SC) Capt. Joyner (SC) and Major Joseph Habersham seize an armed British schooner off Tybee Island under the command of Captain Maitland.  


Richard Maitland in Florida


Extract from Internet Site (unknown, 2008)

One of the most interesting records of the former Spanish occupation appears in the Minutes of the provincial Council of West Florida under the date January 24th, 1765. On that day 16 petitions were presented to the Council asking confirmation of title in purchases made from departing Spaniards. An elaboration of detail in this matter is well worth the labor. John Kinnion, Esquire, of London, petitioned for an estate called Sanado Mayor which was said to be at the mouth of the river Escambe.

The estate was described as being one league square, and the house and outhouses and possibly the entire estate, were said to be in the present possession of Messrs. Bruce and Mease. 10 Zachary Bayly, a merchant of Jamaica, petitioned for an estate called Punta de Silio or, alternatively, Arroyo de La Garzona. William Bond, a merchant of London, petitioned for an estate called Jamas Vicjos. Thomas Hossfall (Thomas Horsefall) petitioned for an estate called Punta del Ingles.  The Honorable Augustus Keppel (later Viscount Keppel) of England petitioned for an estate called Nostra Senora de La Luz. Marriott Arbuthnot, Esquire, of Weymouth, England, petitioned for an estate called St. Antonio. Samuel Touchet, a merchant of London, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de La Luz.
William Michie of Charleston, South Carolina,

10. From the description of Pensacola on the arrival of the British in 1763 as but a stockade and village of thatched huts, it is apparent that these estates were little more than a medium for acquiring land for speculation. Ed.


82    FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

petitioned for an estate called St. Joseph. George Rogers, Esquire, of London, and John Peddar, Esquire, of Lancaster, England, petitioned for an estate called Chicasa de St. Martin. Sir John Lindsay of England petitioned for an estate called El Paso de Arroyo Ingles. William Lance, Esquire, and James Noble of Sandwich in Kent, England, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de la Vighia.  Barnard Noble petitioned for an estate called Sta. Clara. George Stothart of Stockton, in the county of Durham, England, together with two other merchants, Richard Maitland and John Elliot, of London, petitioned for an estate called Santiago el Grande. Messrs. Bolton and Horslar (or Horselor) petitioned for an estate called Pensacola le Vieja. Colonel Augustine Prevost petitioned for an estate, which was unnamed in the record of the Council, and also in company with some others, he petitioned for a second estate, which was likewise unnamed in the records of the Council.

All of these petitions were refused by the governor and Council. The Council was, however, not as arbitrary in its actions as it may appear to have been at a first glance. The undoubted object of the Council was to prevent the buying up of huge tracts of land from the departing Spaniards, for purposes of speculation. To have allowed large tracts of land in the province to fall into the hands of speculators would, perhaps, have been to deter settlement in the province. One of the aims most consistently followed by the provincial government and the imperial government seems to have been the settlement of small farmers and artisans in the province as speedily as possible. For this and other reasons the Council on instructions from the home government held that titles granted under Spanish or French jurisdiction did not automatically become


83         ALLEGED GRANTS IN WEST FLORIDA    83

valid under British dominion. At Mobile, Major Farmar, commandant of the occupying forces, issued a proclamation requiring that all sales or transfers of land be registered with him. 11 One of the principle objections of the Council to these sales of Spanish land, aside from the fact that they clearly regarded all of the transactions as an altogether unjustified speculative venture, was that these sales had taken place before the arrival of the British troops of occupation. After the establishment of the civil government in November of 1764 the governor and Council clearly tried to make what adjustments they could for the convenience of individuals. They insisted, however, on the crown ownership of the land on the policy that grants of land made under Spanish and French jurisdictions were not ipso facto valid under British dominion, that new British titles must be granted, and that any adjustment that might be made was made by the grace of the Council and not by the right of the individual.




Maitlands of Pittrichie:


The Maitlands of Pittrichie have very similar arms to those of the Eccles branch.

Stirnet:

This section first uploaded on 17.05.08.

Descended from Robert Maitland was ...

Patrick Maitland of (Auchincrieff and) Pitrichie in Udney, Aberdeenshire

m. Katharine Burnett (dau of Alexander Burnett of Leys)

1/1. Sir Richard Maitland, 1st Bart of Pitrichie (d 22.02.1677,

Senator of the College of Justice, 'Lord Pitrichie')
m. Margaret or Mary Gordon (dau of Robert Gordon of Straloch & Pitlurg)
2/1. Sir Richard Maitland, 2nd Bart of Pitrichie (dsp c08.1679)
2/2. Sir Charles Maitland, 3rd Bart of Pitrichie (d 1700)

m1. Jean Forbes (dau of Sir John Forbes, Bart of Monymusk, by Margaret Arbuthnott)
3/1. Sir Charles Maitland, 4th Bart of Pitrichie (dsp by 1704)

m. (before 23.06.1703) Margaret Burnett (step-sister)

3/2. Jean Maitland (d 22.10.1746)

m. Alexander Arbuthnott, later Maitland of Pitrichie (d 06.1721)

3/3. Mary Maitland

m. (1707) Thomas Forbes of Echt (d 1738)

3/4. Catherine Maitland apparently of this generation d. 1743.

m. Theodore Morison of Bognie

 3/5. Margaret Maitland probably of this generation

m. (1714) Sir Patrick Bannerman, Provost of Aberdeen (d 1733)

3/6. 2 daughters

m2. (1696) Nichola Young (dau of Peter Young of Auldbar, widow of Sir Alexander Burnett of Craigmyle)

2/3. Jean Maitland probably of this generation

m1. Robert Gordon, 7th of Pitlurg (b 1641, d 22.08.1682)
m2. John Gordon, 2nd of Fechil

2/4. Elizabeth Maitland (d 1719) probably of this generation

m. (mcrt 18.05.1669) Robert Ross of Auchlossin (d c1703)



Thomas Forbes of Knockwane, later of Echt (d 1696)

m. _ Forbes (d 1698, dau of Patrick Forbes of Westerecht)

1/1. Arthur Forbes of Echt (d 1728)

m1. Elizabeth (Janet) Innes (d 1695, dau of Sir Robert Innes, 2nd Bart)
2/1. Jean Forbes (d 21.01.1761)

m. (mcrt 28.04.1704) John Ross, 1st of Arnage (b 04.1665, d 09.1714)

2/2. Thomas Forbes of Echt (d 1738, sold Echt)

m1. (1707) Mary Maitland of Pittrichie or Pittritchie
3/1. Arthur Forbes Maitland of Pittrichie (b 1708, d 1786)

m. Judith Minoch
4/1. Thomas Maitland (dvp)

5/1. Richard Arthur Maitland of Pittrichie (d 1833)

m2. (1719) Margaret Forbes (d 1752, dau of Sir John Forbes, 2nd Bart of Craigievar)

Arthur Forbes m2. (1696) Katharine Melville ('Lady Gray')



Ratification in favour of Richard Maitland of Pittrichie and protest
Our sovereign lord, with advice and consent of his highness's estates of parliament, has ratified, approved and confirmed and, by this act, with advice and consent foresaid, ratifies, approves and confirms a charter and infeftment granted by his majesty, under the great seal, of the date 6 July 1672, to and in favour of Richard Maitland, younger of Pittrichie, eldest lawful son and apparent heir to Sir Richard Maitland of Pittrichie, one of the senators of the college of justice, his heirs, successors and assignees whatsoever, heritably and irredeemably, without any reversion, redemption or regress whatsoever, of all and whole the lands and barony of Geicht, alias Schivas, with tower, fortalice, manor place, houses, biggings, yards, orchards and teind sheaves of the same, comprehending the towns, lands, mills and others underwritten, namely, the Mains of Gight, the lands of Millbrex, Blackhillock and Swanford, Faddonhill, Little Gight, Meikle Ardo, Mill of Ardo, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Little Ardo, Auchencrieve, Monlettie, Newton of Schivas, Chapelton of Schivas, mill, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Skelmonae, Belnagoak, Balquhindachy, mill, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Middlemuir, Touxtoun, Cairnorrie, Monteith, Newseat, mill of Gight, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Stanehouse of Gight and cot-town thereof, the lands of Fetterletter,† Monkshill, Lethenty, Bruckleseat, the mains and manor place of Schivas, Newseat, Burnside, with the old and new mills, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, the town and lands of Old Townleys, Broadward, Quilquox and Killmachillie,† with all and sundry the teind sheaves thereof, houses, biggings, yards, orchards, mosses, meadows, marshes, commonty, common pasturage, tofts, crofts, outsets, insets, annexes, connexes, dependancies, tenants, tenantries and service of free tenants, parts, pendicles and whole pertinents thereof, all lying within the parishes of Fyvie and Tarves and sheriffdom of Aberdeen; proceeding upon his own resignation, together with the clause of novodamus, and union and new erection of the said whole lands and barony, to be called the barony of Gight; as also, the dispensation anent the sasine to be taken at the manor place thereof, to be sufficient for the said whole lands in all time coming, to be held of his majesty and his highness's successors in taxed ward, for payment of the yearly tax duties underwritten, namely, for the ward and non-entry, the sum of £200 Scots money, at two terms in the year Whitsunday [May/June] and Martinmas [11 November] in winter by equal portions, and the sum of £200 money foresaid for the relief, when the same shall happen, and the sum of £400 money foresaid for the marriage of the heir or heirs, when the same shall fall, for payment of the which sums the foresaid ward, relief, non-entry and marriage are conveyed, notwithstanding that the same lands were held formerly of his majesty for service of ward and relief, together with the precept under the quarter seal with the infeftments following thereon, with the instrument of sasine or sasines taken upon the same. And likewise, with advice and consent foresaid, ratifies, approves and confirms another charter granted by his majesty, under the great seal, of the date 2 May 1678, to and in favour of the said Sir Richard Maitland, and his male heirs and assignees whatsoever, heritably and irredeemably, without any reversion, redemption or regress whatsoever, all and whole the lands of Auchencrieve and Skelmonae, with houses, biggings, yards, orchards, parts, pendicles and whole pertinents thereof, with the teinds thereof, lying within the parish of Tarves and sheriffdom of Aberdeen, and of the salmon fishing thereto belonging in manner therein mentioned, together with the clause of novodamus, union and new erection of the said lands and salmon fishing, to be called the barony of Auchencrieve, and the dispensation anent the sasine to be taken at the manor place of Auchencrieve, to be sufficient for the said lands and salmon fishing in all time coming; to be held of his majesty and his highness's successors in taxed ward, for payment of the yearly taxed ward duties underwritten, namely, for the ward and non-entry, the sum of 10 merks Scots, at the said two terms in the year Whitsunday and Martinmas by equal portions, and the sum of 10 merks for the relief, when the same shall happen, and 20 merks for the marriage of the heir or heirs, when the same shall fall, for payment of which sums the foresaid ward, relief, non-entry and marriage are conveyed, notwithstanding that the same lands and salmon fishing were held formerly of his majesty for service of ward and relief; with the precept of sasine contained in the said charter and instrument of sasine and infeftment following thereon, in all and sundry the heads, articles, clauses and conditions mentioned in the said two charters, precepts and instruments of sasine following thereon; and willing and declaring this present ratification to be as valid and sufficient as if the said two charters, precepts and instruments of sasine were at length herein inserted and engrossed; with the which his majesty, with advice and consent foresaid, have dispensed and, by this act, dispenses for ever.

Protestation the town of Aberdeen against the before-written ratification

Sir George Skene of Fintry, commissioner for the burgh of Aberdeen, protested that the ratification passed this day, in favour of Sir Charles Maitland of Pittrichie, of the barony of Auchencrieve and fishings thereto belonging, should be without prejudice to the said town of Aberdeen of their rights, liberty and privilege in the sands between the two rivers of Dee and Don and salmon and other fishings pertaining to the said burgh, between the said two rivers and about and within the mouths thereof, and upon both sides of the same pertaining and belonging to the said town, and that the foresaid ratification in favour of the said Sir Charles shall not be prejudicial to the said town of any right they have to the said lands and others contained in the ratification.



The Maitlands of Kirkton of Oyne (Aberdeenshire) and some of Their Descendants - Richardson Dougall. Traces blood descendants, through male or female lines and through lines both legitimate and illegitimate, of John Maitland and his wife Margaret Gregor, who were married in Oyne Parish, Aberdeenshire, in1733. In addition to blood descendants, includes (when information was readily available) adopted children and stepshildren and their descendants. Includes the following when appicable: full name, nickname, place and date of birth or baptism, occupation, military service, university attendance, information on emigration and naturalization, present address or place and date of death and burial, place and date of each marriage and divorce, and source or sources for such information. John Maitland, born in or before 1709, was a tenant farmer living in the tiny hamlet of Kirkton (or Kirktown) of Oyne. 1999, 8½x11, paper, indices, xvi+424 pp. $40.00 D3638 ISBN: 0788436384"


6.  PRO Docs Ref Savannah


From the 1819 Horwood Map of London:
Broad St, St Georges in the East is probably Reardon St, E1.
Stair Street (leading up from King James Stair) becomes Monza Street.
Shakespeare Walk disappeared under Shadwell Dock Basin between Monza Street and the Churchyard.


PRO TS 11/1057 Pack 4710



ESP 952 Richard M letter – 5/1/1777:


Sir

I presume the bearer Mr Richd Scriven who is now Master of the Ship Pilippa, and was on board when the transaction wherein Platt was concerned hapend Together with the Chief mate Samuel Burnett, will be sufficient Testimony, to go to Portsmouth on this occasion as their Evidence must be more particular than mine, they being Constantly onb(oar)d whilst Platt was there and I most frequently Onsh(o)r(e), if this will do Shall wait on you Early with them tomorrow morning which will be Saving time both to you and me not taking me from My Business, you pleased to Note yr approbation and bearer to me.

I am Sir your most obdt humble Servant
Richd Maitland,

N.B. your pleased remember Sufficient protection for them.

Broad Street St Georges in East
5 Jany 1777-11 AM.


ESP 998 Richard M to Wm Chamberlain 30/01/1777


Sir

I now Inform you that I Now am, thank god, able to go out about Business, and if I am to appear Against that wretch Platt, please to signify to me the Time. But would wish for reasons you may guess that I Could be served with an other Summons, if it can be done with Propriety; Scriven is not yet Come out of the County, Burnett is out on an other Ship to which I Can Direct your So that ??? to give me a days notice that I may not be other wise Engaged-

I am Sir your most obdt humble Servant
Richd Maitland,

Broad Street St Georges in the East
30 Jany 1777

To Wm Chamberlain Esq.



920 – Richard M to Chamberlain - 6/1/1777


Cover:
To Chamberlaine esq,
Garth (Gauth/Gorth) Square, Fleet Street

Captain Maitland’s letter recd 6th Jany 1776 ¼ after 11 forenoon.

921

Sir,
I find its uncertain whether a Protection can be had for Samuel Burnet or not, upon the Business to Portsmouth. There were six Examinations Taken at Jamaica, I may Say Seven, for one was taken from me by the Clerks of the Peace, another by the same Officer at the request of Mr Harrison the Attorney General which no doubt has been sent to Administration.
Three of the six were sent home with the Prisoner two of which three I offered Admiral Gayton Security for, Barring Mortality. By what means they let them Slip I am no Judge of, but their friends who came to me with Power to Receive their Wages told me the first moment that had leave to go on Shore for Asking, The taking of these three men brought me under an Expence of Thirty Pounds Sterling to get men in their rooms to bring my Ship home.
Now Sir if Admiral Gayton has sent a Prisoner home without force enough to bring him to Tryal, or if he has made any mistake after having three Widenis in his Possesion why should I be made the dupe of to commence
922
a New prosecution and I have to have been called upon momently since I have been at home, to have appeared against this man and am ready and willing to prosecute every rebel or Enemy that his Majesty know, and more so upon this occasion but why are not the Crown Officers who made their Escape from Georgia who I dare say must know this man Platt personally and can give a good Account of him and the opposition he made against the Crown in Georgia. Why are not the Proprietors of the Property that was pirated out of my Ship calld upon to prosecute, but all those People are to be Screen’d, and must I be exposed to the Prejudice of American Fools here, and the Property that have been laying in that Country may be for ever lost, and in Case of a Settlement with those Rebels, If I was to go there to look after my property, might be Sacrificed for being too Busy in this Affair, Altho’ it is well known in this Town that I have suffered a great deal in America for my Attachment to Government for I have every honourable Opinion of you that one Gentleman can have for another, but until I am more Clear in what I am doing, and Regularly Call’d upon by a Proper Summons I will take no hand in it ---- I am pretty Clear that my Second Examination at Jamaica, by the Request of the Attorny Genrl
923
was to Strengthen Admiral Gayton’s hands for holding the Prisoner against some Mistakes that was made on the first Detention And am sorry the same thing is to be done over again, I say again Sir, I am very Ready and Willing to bring Platt to Justice, and will call Stronger Widines there myself, that know his Situation in Georgia, and I dare say can positively convince you whether he was a Member of the Provincial Congress or Committee. I have caught a very great Cold or would have waited you this morning according to Promise.

 

I am etc,

Rich’d Maitland

 

Broad Street, St Georges in the East,
Jany 6th 9 AM.


924 – Platt to Capt Hughes, Cantaur - 4/12/1776


Cover:
4th December 1776
Copy of a letter from Ebenezer S Platt to Capt Hughes of the Centaur
(No 10)
In the Lords of the Admly’s Decr 9 1776.

925
Copy
Sir,

I humbly beg your permission for leave to send for an attorney on board that I may lay before him a State of my Case, in order to have the benefit of the habeas Corpus Act, as I have been detained a Prisoner then eight months upon the accusation of one Captn Matland and want nothing but to be tried by the Laws of my King and Country.

Ebenezer S Platt
4th Decr 1776.


926: - Admiral Gaydon to M Stephens - 25/7/1776


Cover
25 July 1776.

Admiral Gayton to M Stephens
(No 61)
In the Lords of the Admly’s Decr 9 1776.

927
Copy of a Letter from Vice Adml Gayton Commr in Chief of His Majt Ships and Vessels at Jamaica, to Mr Stephens dated the 25th July 1776.

Sir,
I be leave to inclose their Lordships the several affidavits relative to William Platt, who I have sent to England in the Pallas to take trial for the Crime he has committed, which I hope their Lordships will approve.

928-933
2 copies, slight changes between them (copied without all the “saids”:

The information of Richard Scriven late Ships Steward and mow Master and Commander of the ship Phillippa now lying in the Thames whereof Richard Maitland was Master taken before me William Addington Esquire one of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace in and for the said County this 10th day of January 1777.

Who being upon Oath Saith that in the month of March or April in the year 1775 the Ship Phillippa Sailed from the River Thames under the Command of the Richard Maitland having on board among Sundry other Goods, Gunpowder, Arms and Lead and several Casks of Bullets Consigned to different persons in the provinces of Georgia and East Florida in North America
And this Deponent further Saith that the Ship on or about the Seventh day of July then next following arrived on the Coast of Georgia and came to Anchor off Tyhee bar where she was hailed by a Schooner full of Armed Men which had hoisted at the Mast Head a White Flag with a Red Border on the Field of which Flag was Stampt in large Red Letters the Words “American Liberty” and that some of the men on board the Ship gave orders that the Ship Phillippa should follow the said Schooner up the River Savanna and bring to in Cockspur Road which she accordingly doing.
Three persons from the Schooner attended by about forty armed men then came on board the Ship Phillippa and took by force all the Gun powder out of the Ship and a few kegs of the musket Balls and carried them on board the Schooner at the same time declaring they would then have carried with them all the musket balls and the Small Arms if they could have got at them but gave Orders to the Mates of the Ship Phillippa not to land any of the Small Arms or Musket Balls at their peril but to Remain in Cockspur Road until they should receive further orders from the Committee at Savannah
And this Dep’t further Saith that Orders were received on board

929

the Ship Phillippa on the twelfth day of July aforesaid from the Committee to bring the ship up to Savanna which was accordingly done and upon her Arrival Three persons (One of whom was named William Platt – otherwise Ebenezer Smith Platt and whom this Informant hath heard and Verily believes to be a prisoner on board one of his Majesty’s Ships at Portsmouth came on board the Ship and declared they were sent by the Committee to see that the Small Arms and Musket Balls were not landed according to the Bills of Lading Signed by Richard Maitland but to take the same into their possession as the same should come to hand in unloading the ship and to send them to the Committee and accordingly did take into their possession against the Will of Richard Maitland all the Small Arms and Musket Balls in the Ship as the same came to hand in unloading and caused the same to be put into two Boats and Ordered the people in the boats to carry the Small Arms and Musket Balls to Savanna  and then Platt and the other two persons embarked themselves in another boat and followed
And this informant further Saith that Richard Maitland and his Officers and Mariners were afraid to make any resistance to Platt and his Company because from the Time the Ship Phillippa was so detained until the Time this Deponent left the Colony of Georgia there was a Rebellion in the Colony and the Course of public justice thereby totally Obstructed And his Majesty’s Governor in the Province deprived of all power and Authority which was usurped by an Assembly of Men at Savanna aforesaid Stiling themselves the provincial Congress or Committee under whose Authority divers people were in Arms to oppose his Majesty’s Government and to carry all the Orders of the Committee if opposed into Execution by force
And which armed force Platt and his Companions (who were willing actors in the sd Rebellion) this Deponent knew could command and therefore any Resistance made to their Orders might be attended with the utmost Danger to the lives of Richard Maitland his Officers and Mariners
Richd Scriven
Sworn before me
January 10 1777
W Addington.


934-5-6 – Bensted to Chamberlain - 13/1/1777


Cover:
Mr Bensted 13th Jany 77
To
Wm Chamberlaine Esq,
Solicitor of the Treasury,
Gough Square,
LONDON.

Portsmouth 13th Jany 1777

Sir,
Captn Milbank is in London, we have heard nothing of any Habeas Corpus, but Platt about two days ago writ a Letter to Sir James Douglas requesting that he might be discharged, to which the Admiral gave no answer.
Persons are not confined, in general, by a written order in a military Way. The fact was that Adm Gayton at Jamaica sent home in the Pallas a Lieutt and eight Seamen of an armed Schooner called the Independence besides Platt and the three witnesses, Sir James Douglas in his Hurry writes the Admlty of the arrival of a Lieut and 12 men of an Armed Schooner at Spithead, the Admlty by their Secretary acquaint Sir James that Lord Suffolk had directed that they should be detained till further Order. This is the true mode of their detention but the only way Capt Hughes of the Centaur can form a Return is as follows:
”That he detains Ebenezer Platt on Bd his majesty’s Ship Centaur under his Command by virtue of a (vessel) order from Vice Adml Sir Jas Douglas Knt Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Ships and vessels at Spithead and Portsmouth, who acquainted him Capt Hughes that the said Ebenezer Platt had been sent home from Jamaica in Irons by Vice Adm Gayton commanding there by sea, to Spithead in His Majesty’s Ship Pallas, on a Charge of having been guilty of High Treason at of near Georgia in America.
Capt Hughes proposes if he should be found with a Habeas Corpus to send a midshipman and another man in a Post Chaise to Town with Platt, but is anxious to know how he is to be repaid the Expense of the Chaise.

I am, Sir
Your most Obdt Servant,
Thos Bensted.


937/9
Mr Chamberlain esq, Colton

Mr Platt is now confined in double Irons. Its in your power at least to prevent this Extrutiating Torment – Humanity I hope will direct you to write to Mr Aikerman (how my uncle and men are not acquainted with) to alleviate this Torture – I shall proceed in the Petition for Tryal as expeditiously as possible – I’m Jo? For Whittaker and self,
Your most hble Lord,
G Colton,
Symonds Inn,
25 Jan 1777.

939/40:
Copy Ebenezer Smith Platt
Commitment.

Woldlesxto wit??
To the Keeper of His Majesty’s Gaol of Newgate or his Deputy.

These are in His Majesty’s Name to authorise and require you to receive into your Custody the Body of Ebenezer Smith Platt herewith sent You charged before me upon the Oaths of Richard Scriven and Samuel Burnett with High Treason at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America and You are to keep him safe until he should be delivered by due course of Law and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my Hand and Seal this 23rd day of January 1777.

W Addington.

941/2:
To Wm Chamberlayne Esq
----
Ant Charmier?
------

St James’s 13th Dec 1776
Sir,
I have just sent the Attorney General and am to desire You will take no steps respecting Platt Till you receive further Directions
I am
Sir
Your most Obed ...
Robt Charmier


943:
Document much crossed out – looks like a draft of a statement.

... The Town of Savannah and there moored and that after his arrival there One schooner and two other persons under the Authy of the Committee came on board the said Ship Phillippa and remained on board her during the time she was unloading which took up in all abt...

951
To ----- Chamberlain Esq
Gough Square
Fleet Street
FF Mr Scriven.

944
(Also contains some corrections)

Side note (partial image): Dec 1776 Copied this – and sent in by express – Mr Bistead Hon – Law Portsmouth.

Sir,
By some Depositions that were taken before the Judge of the Admiralty Court in Jamaica that the Ship Philippa whereof Richard Maitland was bound from the port of London to Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in New England and having on board a Considerable Quantity of Gun Powder and some Chests of Small Arms and several Kegs of Musket Balls to be delivered at Savannah “afd” for the Use of the Indians Friendly to the British Government and for the Use of his Majesty’s Forts and Fortifications there and elsewhere
about the Seventh day of July 1775 Arrived at the Mouth of the River Savannah in Georgia that soon after her arrival She was hailed by a Schooner full of Armed Men some of whom Gave Orders that the said Ship Philippa should follow the Schooner up the River Savannah and bring to in Cockspur Road that the said Ship Philippa did proceed to
946
Cockspur Road aforesaid and there came to an anchor during all which time the said Schooner kept Close to her Course to an Anchor near her Port
soon after three Persons (Supported by and Armed force which came off in Boats from Cockspur X

Side Note: X Island where there appeared to be an Incamp ???? Tybee.

came from the Schooner on board the said Ship Philippa and Demanded and took from the Master all the Ships Papers and Manifest of her Cargo

947 N/A (crossed out)
948
and that the Colony of Georgia were shown in Open Rebellion and that an Assembly of Men at Savannah Stiling themselves the Provincial Congress of the Province Georgia or Committee  had illegally Userped the Government of the said Colony and had seized and inbodied? A great number of Men in Order to oppose his Majesty’s Government there and who were daily ??ined with Colonists that while
949
The said Ship lay at Cockspur Island and great number of Armed Men under the Authority of the same Congress or Committee came on board the said Ship Philippa and took out of her Hold and Carried away agst the Will of the Master and Mariners a great Quantity of Gunpowder and Lead and a few Kegs of Musket Balls and Declared they would have Carried away all the said Musket Balls and all the Fire Arms if they those could have got at them
950
and gave Orders to the Master of the Ship Philippa not to Land any of the said Musket Balls or Small Arms at their peril but to Remain in Cockspur Road until they should Receive further Order from the said Committee
that and Order afterwards came from the Committee that in Obedience thereto the said Ship Philippa was on an/or...



953
To
Wm Chamberlayne Esq
Solicitor of the Treasury
Gough Square
London

Sent Express to Portsmouth 10 Dec
Do 6th January 1777
1-13-6

954
Sir,
I had the Favor of your letter this morning by Express relative to Ebenezer Platt, and have fixed with Adml Sir James Douglas to have the Witnesses brought on Shore to morrow morning at nine O’clock, when Your Directions shall be pursued, I am
Sir Your most Obedt Servant
Thos Binsteed.

955
Copy
Captain Cornwallis Sir

M Stephens
26 Dec 1776

956:
Pallas, Portsmouth Harbour, 25 Decr 1776
Sir,
In answer to your letter of the 23rd Inst relative to the Evidences against Mr William Platt having made their Escape, I beg you will be pleased to acquaint their Ldps that I intended to send them on board a Guardship before we went into the Harbour, it was late in Evening when the Pilot came on board, and we had no Opportunity, the Men had been detained a long time and turned from Ship to Ship, I therefore thought it rather hard to put them in Irons as they had always behaved remarkably well, and I had not the least Reason to suppose they intended to get away, I believe they made their Escape in the night. The Philippa, Maitland, the merchant Ship they were taken out of is now in the River, I apprehend it would not be difficult for him to procure Evidence. I did not give them Leave to go on Shore, not do I think they had leave from any of the Officers.

I am etc
W Cornwallis.

Philip Stephens Esq

958
Mr Stephens to Sir Stanier Posten?
Admiralty Offices, 26th Dec 1776.

959
Copy
Admiralty Office 26th Dec 1776
Sir,
Lord Weymouth having in his Letter of the 21st Inst, transmitted to my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty a Copy of one from Mr Binsteed, giving an Account that the three witnesses against Platt, the Committee man of Georgia, who were sent to England with hime in His Majesty’s Ship Pallas, had made their Escape from her, their Lordships directed Capt Cornwallis late Commander of the said Ship, to let them know why he suffered them to go on Shore, and whether he can give them any Information where they are or may be heard fo, which he having done in his Letter of the 25th Inst, I am commanded by their Lordships to send you the inclosed Copy these for Lord Weymouth’s Information, and am etc,
PW Stephen.

PS,

Their Lsps understand that Mr Maitland, who is mentioned in the inclosed Letter may be heard of at the Jamaica Coffee House.

960/1

Sir Stanier Posten villa??? Ld Weymouth to find out Captain Maitland.

St James’s 29th Dec 1776.
Sir,
Lord Weymouth has directed me to transmit to you herewith copy of a Letter from Mr Stephens, and one to him from Captain Cornwallis late Commander of the Pallas Frigate, and his Lordship desires you would endeavour to find out Captain Maitland who may be heard of at the Jamaica Coffee House and as his ship Phillippa is said to be still in the River, it may be in his Power to get other Witnesses to supply the place of those escaped from the Pallas, and in case any Witnesses might be forthcoming, his Lordship desires You would direct without loss of time the examination to be taken in the manner at first intended, acquainting me for his Lordship’s Information, with the result of you Inquiries thereupon.
I am,

Sir,
your most obedient
humble Servant,
Stanier Posten,

William Chamberlayne Esq.

962:
Sir,
The ?? here of Mr Sam’l Burnett and he is accomponyed by W’m Scriven the former late Chief Mate of the Cutter late Ship Steward and mow the Master & Commander of the Ship Philippa who I hope will arrive fine enough with you to Stop Mr Platt’s Journey, Mr Burnett I myself have Examined and have Di?? Out his Examination which accompany’s them whereby it fully appears the part he took in the Rebellion certainly amounts to High Treason I understand Mr Scriven’s Evidence will be as Strong and that he will Confirm Burnett in every particular but when you take his Examination you will know that, I myself have not been able to take it.
As it behoves him to ?? Captain Milbank of his Changes as soon as Possible I Submit to you whether it would not loosing time to get a Warrant from the Magistrate for Apprehending Plat and bringing him before him upon the Verbal Information (taken upon Oath) of the Witnesse and then you may at Your Leisure desire Mr Scriven’s Information and Copy Over Mr Burnett and make any alterations therein as you may think necessary, I formerly sent you the Form of a Warrant of Commitment
I flatter myself to hear Plat is Committed to Winchester Gaol instead of coming to London which I convince he would never have thought on if he had not if he had not read the Witnesses sworn ?? story,

I am, Sir (etc)
Wm Chamberlayne,
London, Sunday Night,
You will please not to forget to ?? Examination taken in W???

964/5:
7 January 1777,
Sir Stanyer Postern.

St James’s Tuesday 7 January 1777,
Sir,
On receipt this morning of your Letter of last night, I lost no time in laying it before Lord Weymouth by whose Directions I am to acquaint you, that although it appears necessary that the Informations should be taken here from Captain Maitland, the Mate Samuel Burnett and the young mand returned from Northamptonshire, or from any two of them, hes his Lordship wishes You would stake the whole to the Attorney General and receive his Sentiment thereupon.

I am (etc)
Stanier Posten,

W Chamberlayne.


966:
5 January 1776 (7??)
Sir Stanyer Postern
abt Protestation

St James’s Sunday 5 Janry 1776
Sir, I waited all yesterday in expectation of receiving from the Admiralty the Protection for Samuel Burnet, as Mr Seddon assured me it would be sent to me in the afternoon. As soon as I received your letter this morning, I lost no time in writing to Mr Stephens how essentially necessary it was that we should have the Protection this day, and as I know he has dispatched a Messenger to Lord Sandwich to get it signed, I make no doubt but you may depend on my sending it to you this evening, and Burnet should set off to morrow morning for Portsmouth.
I am Sir etc
Stanier Posten,

W Chamberlayne esq.

968/9,
7th January 1777,
Mr Binstead

Portsmouth 7th January 1777
Sir,
I had the favour of your Letter by Express, but we have heard nothing here of any Habeas Corpus, but from your Letters, Sir James Douglas removed Platt to the Centaur on Sunday last, where he now is, whenever the Habeas is Seinged you shall hear further from me by Express of the time that Plat will arrive, in the meantime as I may mistake the mode of a Return to the Habeas in print form, be so good as to Lend me one, and the Cause assigned for receiving and detaining him here shall be fully set forth in that Return,
I am etc,
Tho Binsteed.


970,
W’m Chamberlayne Esq,
Solicitor of the Treasury,
Gough Sq,
London,
10 January 77  Binsteed

Portsmouth 10th January 1777
Sir,
your favor of last night was received, I have seen Sir James Douglas this morning, who as not heard any thing of Habeas Corpus. If any had been served he would have heard it, We know nothing of Platt or his friends, having no Communication with the Ships at Spithead, whenever the Habeas is served you Directions shall be pursued, in the mean time I think that the Removal again to the Barfleur would seem ????
I am etc,
Thos Binsteed.


972/3
Mr Eden with Plat in Petition.

Davies Street January 17th
Sir,
I am directed by the Earl of Suffolk to transmit the inclosed paper to you and to desire that you will, as soon as you can, see the Att(orney) and Sol(icitor) General with regard to it – Here is a Disposition in his Majesty to set the Petitioner at Liberty in Consideration of all the Circumstance attending the Case and Confinement – but it should be previously ascertained that there is no Design to abuse this Clemency by bringing actions against the Justice etc, and on this point Mr Whitaker the Solc(itor) for the Petitioner can give Information and having an excellent Character in his possession may be relied on – The next point is as to the form of Release, We are without any precedent in our offices upon a Case exactly like this, but the Att’y and Sol’r G. will possibly think it legal and right that we ?? give the King’s Warrant reciting in General “Circumstances laving been represented and “therefore” “is pleased to order the said E.P. to be discharged”
It is much wished that this matter may not be delayed.
I am with Esteem and regard,
W. Eden,
W Chamberlayne.


974
County of Southampton
for the Information of Samuel Burnett Chief Mate of the Ship Philippa now lying in the River Thames taken upon Oath before me

Who being upon Oath Saith that in the month of March or April in the year of our Lord 1775 the Ship Philippa Sailed from the River Thames with Sundry other Goods on board Consigned to different persons residing in the provinces of Georgia and East Florida in North America and amongst the Goods were Gun Powder Arms and Lead Shipped by Licence of His Majesty or the
And this Deponent further Saith that on the Second day of May then enxt following the said Ship sailed from the Downs and Came to an Anchor off Tybee Bar on the Coast of Georgia on the Seventh day of July then next following and that two days after a  Schooner which had hoisted at the Mast Head a White Flag with a Red Border on the Field of which Flag was Stampt or Imprinted in large Red Letters the Words “American Liberty” and Carrying Ten Guns kept Close to the said Ship until the said Ship ran within Tybee Point and that then the people on board the Schooner ordered the Pilot on board the Ship Phillippa to run the said Ship to Cockspur Island and Anchor her there And this Deponent further Saith that he saw an Incampment of Armed Men in Tybee Point and also on Cockspur Island the number of whom in the whole appeared to be about Three hundred besides what were in the Schooner and that immediately on the Ship Philippa being Anchored
The Greatest part of the Armed Men that were on Shore came off in Boats and Surrounded the said Ship and then three persons unknown to this Deponent on of whom appeared to be the Commander of the Schooner and several other Persons came on board the Ship Phillippa and Demanded and took from Richard Maitland all the Ship’s Papers and manifests & ??? and this Deponent being unable to resist delivered the same and this Deponent further Saith that just at that instant Joseph Habersham of Savannah Merchant came on board the said Ship and produced and Order of an Assembly of Men Styling themselves the Provincial Congress of the Province of Georgia Signed on the left hand side “George Walton Secretary” requiring them to take all the Arms and Ammunition out of the said Ship wherever they found her or Words to that effect and that in Pursuance of such Order the said Armed Men did take out of the Hold of the said Ship and against the Wish and Consent of Richard Maitland and his Mariners Six Ton and a half of Gun Powder as nearly as this Deponent can at present Conjecture and about Seven hundred Weight of Lead and Bullets and Declared they would have then Carryied away all the Musket Balls and Small Arms if they could have come at them but gave Orders to him this Deponent and the other master of the Ship (Richard Maitland having gone on Shore) not to land any of the Small Arms and Musket Balls on board the Ship at their peril and to remain in Cockspur Road until they should Receive further Orders from the Committee sitting at Savannah
And this Deponent Saith that Orders were received on board the Ship from the said Committee

977
Laws and Customs of England these follows the Commandant to the Sherriff to Summmon the ???

Commission of Gaol Director??

George &C

Know ye that We have Constituted you or any two of you our Justices to Deliver our Goal of Newgate of the Prisoners therein being And therefore We Command you that at certain Days and Places which you or any two of you shall appoint for their purpose You must at the ?? City or Sub?? Of the same to Deliver that Goal  being therein what to Justice appertains according to the Laws and Customs of our Kingdom of England Saving to the American ?? and other things to the form there answering for the Command of Sherriff of London and Middlesex that at certain days and places which you or any two or more of you shall appoint they ??? all the Prisoners of the same Goal and therein Atte?? Before you or any two of more of you those to Come “In Witago??”


978
George etc
To our Trusty ?? Granting
Know you that We have assigned you or any two or more of you our Justices to inquire most fully the truth by the Oath of Good and lawfull men of our County of Middx and by other ways and Means and Methoda by which you shall or may better know (with in Liberty) without by whom the Truth of the Matter may be better known of all Treason Misprivion?? of S?? Insurrection Rebellion And of all matters Felony etc all other Evil Doings Affairs and Injuries whatsoever and also the A??? of them within the County afsd (or well within Liberty or without) by whomsoever and in what manner soever has committed perpetrated and by whom and to whom wheresoever and after what manner and of all other Articles and Circumstances concerning the ??? and every of them or any of them in any manner whatsoever ?? the viz Treason and other ?? to have and determine according to the Laws and Customs of England
And therefore ?? Command you that at certain days and places which you or any two or more of you shall appoint foir their purpose
You make Deligent Inquiry about the prosecutes and having Determined all and singular the personal day fulfil therein form afd doing therein what to Justice apportain according to the

979
27th jan 1777
Copied for the Atty Genrl

980
Ebenezer Platts Case
On this 7th of July 1775 The Ship Phillippa Capt Maitland Master Laden with Gun Powder Arms and Lead conveyed to different persons in the Province of Georgia in America came to an anchor off Tybee Bar on the Coast of Georgia.
On the 9th of July a Schooner hoist a White Flagg with a Red border with the words American Liberty summounted – 10 guns came up with the Phillippa at Tybee Point and the Peoples on board this Schooner immediately orderes the Pilot on board the Phillippa to run her to Cockspur Island and Anchor there – At this time there was an Encampment of about 300 Armed Men on Tybee Point and on Cockspur Island who immediately after the Phillippa was

981/2
who charged him in his Majesty’s Ship Pallas to England where he arrived about the month of December 1776.
4th December 1776 Platt applied to the Commander of the Ship where he was a Prisoner for leave to send for an attorney in order to advise about applying for a Habeas Corpus.
4th January 1777 Lord Mansfield Allowed a Habeas Corpus but before the Writ was delivered to the Attorney who had him in Custody summoned Burnett and Richard Scriven two of the Officers of the Phillippa went before Sir John Field ? and charged the said Platt with the Several? Articles of High Treason before Stated and Sir John having granted his warrant through and Attorney???
Was sent to Portsmouth who having got the warrant backed by the Mayor of that place took Platt into his Custody and brought him before Mr Justice Addington who on the 7th of Jan 1777 Examined Platt committed him to Newgate for High Treason at Savannah in Georgia.
At the Justices? At the Old Baily after Hil? Term 1777 Platt Petitioned the Court to be tried but upon this matter being solemnly argued the Court were of Opinion they had no Power either to Try Bail or Detain him.
On the 1st day of Easter Term 1777 Platt petitioned this Court of King’s Bench paryd to be either Bailed or Discharged but this Act of Parliament having just passed the Court were of Opinion that they had no discretion in this matter.

983
10th April 1776

Attorney General of Jamaica to Sir basil Keith

In Vice Admiral Gayton’s letter to Mr Stephens of the 13th June 1776
(no 4.)
In the Lords of the Admiralty December 9 1776.

984/5
Sir
In obedience to your Excellency’s command signified to me by your letter of yesterday I have perused the Admiral’s Letter and the Affidavit therein inclosed. The Affidavits I have submitted to the consideration of the Judge of the Admiralty, and we are both of opinion, that the Offence therein charged being committed by a person coming from shore while the Ship lay off Savannah, which is within the body of the Province of Georgia arises out of the Admiralt jurisdiction and is not cognizable thereby, or by any other criminal jurisdiction of this Island. The forcibly taking away Stores, belonging to, or intended for the use of the King’s Forts, with intent to afrest?, carrying on hostile measures then on foot against His Majesty, raises the Offence from Robbery to High Treason, which being committed in Georgia, is cognizable there on the 25th Edward the 3rd or in England by that Statute and the Jurisdiction given by the 33rd and 35th of Henry 8th. But the State of Georgia, wherein the Administration of civil and criminal Justice, is silenced by Arms, makes in Effect this Offence triable, for the present in England only. Under those circumstances I am of Opinion, that William Platt cannot be in such proper and safe custody, as that of the Admiral, who, if he shall judge proper may send him to England, there to be dealt with according to Law. Had William Platt been apprehended by any civil Magistrate, I do suppose the Admiral would have been applied to, through your Excellency to take him under his charge, and send him to England for the purpose aforesaid. I am with the greatest respect,
Sir etc
Tho Harrison
April 10th 1776.

His Excellency the Governor.

986
To the right Honourable the Earl of Suffolk one of His Majesty’s Principal Secretaries of State

My Lord,
Your Lordship having by His Majesty’s commands transmitted to us for our most immediate consideration, a Letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Your Lordship, together with ten more enclosures, and informed us, that one Ebenezer Platt, late a Committee Man of the Province of Georgia, has been sent to England, as a rebel Prisoner, together with three Witnesses to support against hum the charge of his having forcibly taken some Gunpowder belonging to His Majesty, in order to carry it to a part of His Majesty’s subjects in actual Rebellion, and that he now desires to be allowed an Attorney, in order to claim the benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act; And your Lordship having been pleased to desire out opinion under the whole circumstances of the Case in what manner it may be advisable to proceed. We have taken the same into Our consideration accordingly.
it does not appear from the inclosures at what time Mr Gayton’s Letters were received respectively, but,as the notice of sending Platt over to England to be tried was dated so early as the thirteenth of June, We presume, It was His Majesty’s Pleasure, that He should be so sent to be tried, and not be detained in America, as other Rebel Prisoners have been, some of whom were even remanded for that purpose. Supposing this to be decided, nothing remains to be considered but the quality of their offence, and the method of proceeding upon it.
It does not appear to us, upon what ground Platt is charged, in your Lordships Letter, and also in that form (frfom?) the Lords of the Admiralty to your Lordship, and also in Mr Gayton’s Letter of the thirtieth of March 1776 to the Lords of the admiralty, with having seized His Majesty’s Gunpowder, and carried it to the Rebels; or as your
988
Lordship supposes, in order to carry it to the rebels. The Depositions don’t charge Him with being one of the number of these, who seized the Gunpowder, or even with being upon Cockspur Island, the place where that crime was committed. The charge upon him by the Deposition of Maitland (the Master of the Phillippa) is, that, returning to his Vessel, He founf Platt, among other Inhabitants of Svannah (where the Vessel then lay) on board, and that Platt told him, He came there to secure and carry away the shot and small Arms, which they could find, as the same came to hand. The other Depostions, speaking of Platt, Levi and Shafto, add, They declared, that this was done by order of the Committee.

The violence imputed to Platt and the rest at the Town of Savannah will amount to High Treason, if the Committee, under whose orders they professed to Act, can be proved to conduct the rebellion in Georgia, is it is understood, by report, that in fact they do; or, if his violence can be referred in any other way, to a connection with the treasonable
989
force, which is in Arms within that province.

Supposing that to be the case, It will be proper to commit him for trial in the ordinary course; namely, by taking the Information of the witnesses, issuing a Warran thereupon to bring him to be examined, and, if the charge appears well founded commitment.
The temper of our Laws certainly required, that every Prisoner should be allowed the means of suing out a habeas Corpus. But it seems fitter to proceed to His examination, and to discharge Him, if nothing appears in proof against Him, or to commit Him regularly if a sufficient foundation be laid for that,
We are etc,
E Thurlow,
Al. Wedderburn,
10th Dec 1776.

Dec 10th 1776
Mr Attorney & Mr Solicitor General.

990 & 2 (2 copies)
Copy of a Letter from Clark Gayton Esq Vice Admiral of the White & Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Ships and Vessels at Jamaica dated Antelope, Port Royal, March the 30th 1776.
Sir,
I am to acquaint their Lordships that I have seized one Mr Platt he was a Committee Man at Georgia and is the mand that Boarded the Philippa, one Maitland, Master, of Georgia last year and seized all the Government Gun Powder and carried it to the Rebels
I have had him some days in Irons, but could not get the Idenity if this Person sworn to until this afternoon, which was from the Above Maitland and his people that was with him when the Powder was seized and is now here loading with sugar and as I have seized the Above Platt at Port Royall, I presume he must be tried on this Island for the Robery and Executed on this Island, I shall let his Excellency Sir Basil Keith now about him tomorrow morning, and shall inform their Lordships by the next Packet what is done by the said Platt.

991
Copy of a Letter from Vice Admiral Gayton Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Ships and Vessels at Jamaica to Mr Stephens, dated 30th March 1776.
(no 1)
In the Lords of the Admiralty December 9th 1776.

993
10th April 1776
Sir Basil Keith
To
Clark Gayton, Esq.


In Vice Admiral Gayton Letter for Mr Stephens of the 3 June 1776

(no 3)

994
Spanish Town, 10th April 1776
Sir,

As your Letter of yesterday’s date comprehends Questions of Law wherein it is my duty to be advised by His Majesty’s Attorney General, I directly sent it with the Dispatches accompanying it to W. Harrison for his Guidance and at the same time desired him to lose no time in furnishing me with his written Opinion on the Matter and Advise what part I ought to take in its as Governor of this Island. Inclosed I send you his Answer by which I conceive myself precluded from any interference in this affair. This being the case I return to you the Depositions of the Evidence against Platt,
I am etc
Basil Keith
Copy Clark Gayton.

995
Mr Stephens Letter with Protection

996

D Sir,
I sending on herewith the Protection you desired and am very sorry it has ?? been in any person to forward it to you sooner, I am with the etc
W Stephen,
Admiralty
5th January 1777

997
Wm Chamberlayne Esq,
Gough Sq,
Fleet Street

30th January 77
Captain Maitland.

998 30/01/77
Sir

I now Inform you that I Now am, thank god, able to go out about Business, and if I am to appear Against that wretch Platt, please to signify to me the Time. But would wish for reasons you may guess that I Could be served with an other Summons, if it can be done with Propriety; Scriven is not yet Come out of the County, Burnett is out on an other Ship to which I Can Direct your So that you’l please to give me a days notice that I may not be other wise Engaged-

I am Sir your most obdt humble Servant
Richd Maitland,

Broad Street St Georges in the East
30 Jany 1777

To Wm Chamberlain Esq.

999
Severn days and collected and sent away all the Musket Balls and Small Arms as they came to hand in the Course of the Unloading of the said Ship and every other Article which they conceived to be for his Majesty. These ?? that Richard Maitland, the Master of the Vessel and her Officers or Mariners could not make any Resistance against these Boardings of the said William Platt and his Companions Bording??
Page 9

1000 - Notes?

Matyes Government House,

Was Totally Supported Public Justice Obstructed X

X and his Majesty’s Governor in the said Town of Savannah had no power to Inforce the Evacuation of the Law or to protect such Persons as were Obnoxious to the ? Armed People which Maitland and his men certainly would have been if they had made any Opposition to Plats Demands

Under whose Order the said William Plat and his Companions Acted and justified their actions in what they did and who in Case of any
Page 10

1001
resistance could and would have called forth a part of the Military force carried? By the said Assembly to their support which would have been to the Manifest Danger of the lives of the afd Mr Maitland his Officers and Mariners
Plat was afterwards apprehended and has been sent home by Admirl Gayton and is now a Prisoner aboard Captain Stephens Ship in Your Harbour, and there are I understand aboard the said Ship three Persons who have
P 11

1002
been likewise sent home to give Evidence against him. I would know of the Evidence now on board the Ship now Capable of Securing to the to the several facts before stated particularly that there was a Rebellion, that the King’s Governor had Enforce the Execution Of the Law that his Authority was ??? by an Assembly of Men Stiling themselves a Committee or Congress, that an Armed force was ?? and ??? under their Authority that the Ship was plundered in the manner before stated that Plat assisted that which the said men under the Authority of the ?? with this full and intense approbation thereof or if he in any support whatsoever I h?? his approbation of the three aforemnd? Authority by

1003
approbation thereof or if he in any ??part whatsoever I ?? his approbation  of the three aforenamed
by Masing? Or associating himself with the armed force of the Committee or the Officers thereof it no doubt makes him a Principal in the rebellion and Guilty of High Treason. I beg the favour of you Sir therefore to send for the three witnesses and take their Examinations in writing separately as to all the several facts before stated or any other what ever to the Rebellious Procedings at Savannah and particularly to Attend if the facts will warrant that the Examination
P13
Warrant? To se securing ???? and part?? Subation? To Plat ? is possible that should his Conversation within or with the Rebellious Assembly or with the Armed force acting under the Assembly’s Authority or his approbation thereof or his being an instrument in those hands with his own knowledge and approbation and of any Declarations he made relative therefore for from thence to Collected his guilt of High Treason You will please then to get the Examination or Informations Sworn by the men before the Mayor or Portsmouth or some other ??
P14


1005
Magistrate that you may approve of and if after they are sworn the Magistrate and you shall be of the Opinion that there is sufficient Evidence of Rebellion and that Plat was privy thereto and approved thereof and in any Shape Ordered and Assisted therein You will get the Mayor;s Warrant for Plat and send for him from on board the Shi and take his Examination in Writing and Pray his Commitment to the County Goal for High Treason (the Form of the Warrant I send you herewith) but if after you have taken the Information of the Witnesses any doubt should remain with the Magistrate whether he can
P15

1006
Commit Plat for High Treason, I must then beg of you not to send for Plat but to forward the Information to me by Express and you shall then hear further from me.
The Witnesses are on board the Pallas the Captain wereof has earned directions from the Admiralty to bring them in shore and Carry them back as you shall direct. I give you their Trouble on the Recommendation of Mr Wallace the King’s Counsel, I doubt not therefore of your case and your charges in the business shall be thankfully paid to your credit ,
I am etc Wm Chamberlayne
Gough Square,
London 18th December 1776

Note at bottom of page:
A pacquet addressed to Mr Elliot Containing Mr R Maitland’s Charges to the Grand Jury delivered 15th December 1775 with his Letter dated 20th January 1776 and a Porsin? Affd.
P16.

1008
I A.B. in the written Writ named do humbly certify and return to our Sovn Ld the King that the within named C.d. is not nor at the time of the coming of the sd Writ to me was nor at any time since hath been in my custody or Power wherefore I cannot have the body of the sd C.d. before our Sd Ld the King at the time and place written ??? as by the said within commanded.

The answer of A.B. within named.

1009
In the King’s Bench
The King agst Ebenezer Smith Platt
Sir,
Take Notice that this honourable Court will on Monday next be moved that the said Ebenezer Smith Platt may be discharged out of the Goal of Newgate upon special Bail and that John Hurford of Thames Street in the City of London Coal Merchant Guy Bryant of Vine Court Spitalfields in the County of Middlesex Silk Dyer William Rogers of No 16 White Chappel in the County of Middlesex Builder James Hill of Tower Hill in the City of London Undertaker and Patience Wright of Cundall Court Pall Mall in the County of Middlesex Widow and Wax Modalor will at the same time attend the said Court and become Bail for the said Ebenzer Smith Platt
Yrs Whittaker and Colton,
Symonds Inn,
9th May 1777
To Mr Chamberlaine.

1010
Saturday next after fifteen days from the feast Day of Easter in the seventeenth year of King George the third

England
It is ordered by the Court that the Petition of Ebenezer Smith Platt now a Prisoner in his Majesty’s Goal of Newgate committed on a charge of High Treason alleged to be Committed at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America now presented to this Court be received and filed.
On the motion of Mr Alleyne
By the Court

1011
Monday next after the Morrow of the Ascension of our Lord in the Seventeen Year of King George the Third
England
The King
Ag.
Ebenezer Smith Plat
The Defendant Ebenezer Smith Plat brought here into Court in Custody of the Keeper of his Majesty’s Goal of Newgate by virtue of his said Majesty’s Writ of Habeas Corpus And it  appearing by the Return to the said Writ that the said Defendant stood charged with high Treason at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America and upon hearing of Council on both sides It is Ordered that he the said Defendant be now remanded to the Custody of the Keeper of the said Goal of Newgate to be by him kept in safe Custody until he shall be from thence discharged by due course of Law
On the Motion of Mr Attorney General
By the Court

1012
And these Deponents further Saith that from the time the said Vessel was so ?? as aforesaid until the time these Deponent left the said Colony the People there were in ?? to Oppose his Majesty’s Government and Carried Standards with the Words American Liberty Written thereon and were every day ?? ?? for ?? and the Course of Justice was totally Obstructed and the Rebellion got to ?? ?? that his Majesty’s Government had no power to inforce the Execution of the Law and that the afd E.S. Plat was Ordering and assisting in the said Rebellion and very acitive therein in Inforcing the Orders of the afd Committee ?? ?? the unloading that Ship and Carefully Serving all the Ammunition ? on board for the ?? to be at the Disposal of the afd Committee

1013
And this Dpt further saith that and believed the said E.S. Plat was one of the said Provincial Committee and He this Deponent the rather believes the same because the sd E.S. Plat justified his being on Board this Deponent’s Ship under the Orders of the said Congress and was frequently in Company with several of the persons in the said Town o Savannah who had assumed the Government thereof and was several times very active in carrying many Orders of the said Congress into Execution tending to the oppression of some of the Inhabitants of the said Town who were suspected of being friendly to his Majesty’s Government

1014
Cover:
For the Crown
Qu whether he may not be remanded on the late ? to the New Goal?

The King
Agst                      BRIEF
Platt

To oppose the Prisoner being bailed

Mr Atty Gen’l
A Consultation is desired with
Mr Solic’t Gen
Mr Wallace
Mr Mansfield
Mr Boarcroft
&
Mr Buller

??

1015
The King                   High Treason at Savannah
agst                       in Georgia
Ebenezer Smith Plat

The Prisoner was apprehended at Kingston in Jamaica and sent home in one of his Majesty’s Ships at Portsmouth from whence he was brought up to London and examined before William Addington Esqr one of his Majesty’s Justices of the Peace on the 23rd January last and by him committed to Newgate upon the following warrant of Commitlment

Middlesex to wit
To the Keeper of his Majesty’s Goal of Newgate or his Deputy
These are in his Majesty’s Name to authorise and Require you to receive into your Custody the Body of Ebenezer Smith Plat herewith sent you Charged before me upon the Oaths of Richard Scriven and Samuel Burnett with High Treason at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America And you are to keep him safe until her shall be delivered by due course of Law And for so doing this shall be you Warrant. Given under my hand and seal this 23rd day of January 1777
W Addington

All Hilary Term passed without the Prisoner making any application to the Court of King’s Bench under the Habeas Corpus Act to be Bailed Tried or Discharged (which he might have done) but at the subsequent sessions at the Old Bailey the prisoner having sent a sort of petition to the Lord Mayor which the Court was pleased to entertain as a petition under the Habeas Corpus Act, the matter was solemnly argued when the Court being of Opinion that it had no jurisdiction either to Try, Bail, or Discharge him, he remained in Custody.
Soon after an Act passed Intitled “An act to empower his Majesty to secure and detain persons charged with or suspected of the Crime of High Treason committed in any of his Majesty’s Colonies in America or on the high seas or the Crime of Piracy” Whereby after reciting that a Rebellion had been carried on in certain of His Majesty’s Colonies and Plantations in America and that many persons had been seized and taken who were expressly charged or strongly suspected of such Treason and that many more such persons might be
P 1

1016
then after so seized and taken and Reciting that such persons had been or might be brought into this Kingdom and that it might be inconvenient in many such cases to proceed forthwith to the Tryal of such Criminals and at the same time of evil examples to suffer them to go at large
It was therefore Enacted that all and every person or persons who had been or should be then after seized or taken in the act of High Treason committed in any of His Majesty’s Colonies or Plantations in America or who were or should be charged with or suspected of the Crime of High Treason committed in any of the said Colonies or on the high seas or who had been or should be Committed in any part of His Majesty’s Dominions for such Crime by any Magistrate having competent authority in that behalf to the Common Good should and might be thereupon detained in safe Custody, without Bail of Mainprize(?) intil the first day of January 1778 and that no Judge or Justice of Peace shall Bail or Try any such Person or persons without Order from his Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council Signed by six of the said privy Council until the said first day of January 1778 any Law Statute or Usage to the contrary un any wise notwithstanding
Notwithstanding the above Statute the Prisoner on the first day of this Term presented a petition to the Court of the King’s Bench praying that he might be either Tried Bailed or discharged, and the Court, on the motion of Mr Alleyne made a Rule for receiving and filing the same, but reserved for a future Day the taking the Prayer into consideration.
It would have been difficult to have found out upon what ground the Prisoner’s Council made the forgoing application considering the above Statute had he not informed the Court that he was aware thereof and meant to argue that the Words “No judge or Justice of Peace shall Bail or Try” could not control the Court of King’s Bench with which Court a discretionary power to Bail was still left and meant to be left, notwithstanding that statute.
In answer thereto We have procured the several Statutes passed in 1715 an 1745 for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act and find Words in the Enacting part of those Statutes exactly corresponded with the Words in the present Act and although the Court of the King’s Bench in nay one instance presumed to Bail a prisoner comprehended within the perview of those Statutes
P2

1017
In Sir William Wyndham’s Case it was objected against his being Bailed that he had lain still so long without making any application – as a Reason for that omission he say’d the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and though the suspension did not extend to his particular Case yet the Chief Justice in giving his Opinion on that Case say’s the Reason given was of some weight in determining the discretion of the Court for the Gentleman might think himself included and be mistaken, which speaks very clearly the Sentiments of the Chief Justice that is Sir William had not been mistaken there would have been no pretence for an application as his omission would have been justified.
But in Michaelmas Term 9th Geo:1st The very objection now taken was insisted on, and it was overruled and an Habeas Corpus denied in the Case of the King and the prisoners in the Tower and the rather because the Habeas Corpus was denyed in Layer’s Case for the Court would not try hum till they had an Order from the King oas the Act directs v.s Moder 98 Michas 9 Geo.

Be pleased therefore to oppose the prisoner being bailed.

1018
To the Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Suffolk and Berkshire, One of his Majesty’s Principal Secretaries of State, and one of the Lords of his Majesty’s most Honourable Privy Council
The humble Petition of Ebenezer Smith Platt, a Prisoner in Newgate
Most Respectfully sheweth
That your Lordships Petitioner was in the Month of March, 1776, made a Prisoner at Kingston in Jamaica on a charge of High Treason against the King and Government of Great Britain
That your Lordships Petitioner was from that period closely confined on board Several Ships of War until the Month of January 1777, at which time he was by virtue of an order, brought from Portsmouth to London
1019
and Committed to the Goal of Newgate where he noe remaine a Prisoner
That you Lordships Petitioner is totally void of every Family, Friend or Connection  in this Kingdom, that he is Laden with iron and that he finds his health materially affected, by his lonmg confinement.
Your Lordships Petitioner therefore most humbly solicits your Lordship, as in your Lordship’s judgement may seem proper that you will be pleased to direct that he may be either brought to his Trial to answer such charges as may be adducted against him, or that he may be Admitted on Bail, to make his Appearance on such charges at any future Period.


1021
HCA 26/12/87
17 April 1761     89
Appeared personally Captain Richard Maitland of the Parish of St Pauls Shadwell in the County of Middlesex mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain  and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said Richard Maitland
and in pursuance of his Majesty’s Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that this the said Richard Maitland
his ship is Called the Phillippa
That she is a Square Sterned Ship Painted Black and Yellow, a Syon Head Painted all Yellow
and is of the burthen of about Three Hundred tons
That the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Forty Men Thirty Six small arms Twenty four Cutlasses Twelve Barrels of Powder Twelve Rounds of great Shot and about Three hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Six months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Five Cables and about Thirty hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Dudley goes Lieutenant John Thomas Gunner William Jones Boatswain Thomas Lee Carpenter Henry Atkins Cook James Long Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Henry Loubert and his Partners Mesrs Leavie and Schweighauzen together with Mr James Bouverieu of London Merchants

are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship  

Richd Maitland
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me

And: Colbeee Ducarel
Surrogate Farrant?

1022
Phillippa
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to Richard Maitland to set forth the Phillippa of the Burthen of about three hundred tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander Dated the Seventeenth Day of April 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty’s Reign.

1023
HCA 26/12/101
Indexed at /99

26 Mary 1761     101
Appeared personally Captain John Barford of Cheapside, London mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain  and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said John Barford
and in pursuance of his Majesty’s Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that this the said Richard Maitland
his ship is Called the Hungerford
That she is a Square Sterned with three masts
and is of the burthen of about Two Hundred and Seventy Six tons
That the said John Barford goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four & three pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Thirty Men Thirty small arms Thirty Cutlasses Twenty Barrels of Powder Fifty Rounds of great Shot and about Six hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Ten months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Four Cables and about Ten hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Castello goes Lieutenant John James Gunner William Green Boatswain Joseph Hickman Carpenter Arthur Morris Cook John Maitland Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Joseph Robertson & Lawrence Boyd of London Merchants

are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship  

Jno Barford
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me

And: Arth. Collier
Surrogate

1024
Hungerford
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to John Barford to set forth the Hungerford of the Burthen of about Two hundred & Seventy Six Tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said John Barford goeth Commander Dated the Twenty Sixth Day of May 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty’s Reign.

HCA/26/11/89:
Commander: John Barford.

Ship: Julines and Elizabeth. .

Burden: 600 tons.

Crew: 111.

Owners: William Green, Julines Beckford, Solomon Ashley and David Trinder of London, merchants.

Home port: London.

Lieutenant: Arthur Campbell.

Gunner: Andrew Slocombe.

Boatswain: John Knowles.

Carpenter: Solomon Wade.

Cook: James Dunn.

Surgeon: William Cranford.

Armament: 6 carriage guns.

Folio: 89

Covering dates 1759 August 10

1025:
Front Cover of the Book:
Letter of Marque or Reprisals against France from 20th day of June 1760.

T 1/509/174-177
1026
Sir,
I am ordered by the Court of Directors if the East India Company, to transmit to you the accompanying memorial, and to entreat you would be pleased to lay the same before the Right Honrble. The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury,

I am, Sir,
Your most Obedient Servant, Michell
East India House, the 16th February 1774.


1027
                                                   176
To the Right Honourable The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury

The Humble Memorial of the Court of Directors for the Affairs of the United Company of Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies.

Sheweth,
That you Petitioners on the month of September last shipped on board the Ship London, Captain Alexander Curling, Two hundred and fifty seven Chests of Tea, and consigned the same to Mr Roger Smith and Messrs Leger and Greenwood of Charles Town, South Carolina, Merchants, to be there legally imported, subject to the American duty, and to be sold on the Account of the East India Company.
That on the Arrival of the said Ship at Charles town on the 2nd of December last, several meetings were held by the Inhabitants to consider of means to prevent the Landing of the said Teas, and the Agents appointed by your Memorialists were so intimidated by the said Resolutions made, and menaces thrown out, that they dared not attempt to Land the Teas and execute their Commission.
That the Ship London having laid Twenty days in the said Port, after which Period the Collector of His Majesty’s Customs there is obliged by Law, and by his Instructions

1028

Instructions, to seize Goods liable to pay Duty, the said Collector seized, landed, and stored the said Teas as being confiscated for want of Entry and payment of the Duties due thereon. Under these Circumstances your Memorialists humbly pray that your Lordships will be pleased to issue orders to His Majesty’s Governor of South Carolina, or his Officers of the Customs there, for Sale of the said Teas by public Auction, or in such manner as shall be thought most expedient, and that the produce thereof, after deduction of the duty of Customs, and incident Charges, may be paid to your Memorialists, or their order, for the use of their Constituents the East India Company, or that your Memorialists may have such other relief in the premises as to your Lordships in your great wisdom shall seem meet.

And your Memorialists shall ever

India House, London
10th February 1774.


Background to the above:

The Royal Colony of South Carolina

The Tea Act and its Consquences in the Carolinas

http://www.carolana.com/SC/Royal_Colony/tea_act.html
 

May 1773  
In 1773, citizens of Charles Town met in the Great Hall to protest the Tea Act. Rather than watching the tea get dumped in the harbor as had happened in Boston, British authorities seized the tea and locked it up in the cellars of the Exchange Building. Later, American patriots took possession of the tea and sold it to benefit the cause of liberty.


A meeting at the Exchange Building was called on December 3 because 257 chests of East India Company tea had arrived in Charles Town two days before in Captain Alexander Curling’s ship, the London. George Gabriel Powell was elected chairman of the meeting, and it became apparent in the ensuing debate that most of the citizens present favored absolute non-importation of teas subject to tax. The East India Company consignees, who were present at the meeting, received the thanks and applause of the assembly when they promised not to accept the tea.

 

If this had been the full extent of the meeting’s historical importance, it would be an interesting, but hardly remarkable event. Strangely enough, however, the present government of the state of South Carolina traces its lineage to this anti-tea rally. As historian David Duncan Wallace points out, the colonial Assembly was the predecessor, but not the parent of the modern legislature. The meeting of December 3 led without a break to subsequent meetings and then to the General Committee, the Provincial Congresses, and finally the state General Assembly.

 

On December 22, 1773, Robert Dalway Haliday, the collector of customs for Charles Town, had the tea shipment seized, unloaded, and stored in the warehouse under the Exchange Building for non-payment of duties. Since the consignees refused to receive the tea, it became liable to seizure by the Crown after twenty days in port. A second meeting of the citizens on December 17 had resolved that the tea should not be landed, and Captain Curling received several anonymous letters threatening damage to his ship unless it was moved away from the wharf.

 

When Lieutenant Governor William Bull was informed of the threats, he called an emergency meeting of the Council at his home. The sheriff was instructed by the lieutenant governor to assist the collector of customs if necessary, and to arrest anyone who attempted to obstruct the landing of the tea. Accordingly, the customs officers began moving the chests into the Exchange Building warehouse at sunrise on December 22, and at noon their task was almost finished. The patriots were taken completely by surprise, but they declared themselves satisfied as long as the unpopular merchandise remained under lock and key.

 

The tea remained in the Exchange Building until the government of the province fell into the hands of the patriots, and it was sold in 1776 to provide funds for defense against the British.

A meeting at the Exchange was called on December 3 because 257 chests of East India Company tea had arrived in Charlestown two days before in Captain Alexander Curling’s ship, the London. George Gabriel Powell was elected chairman of the meeting, and it became apparent in the ensuing debate that most of the citizens present favored absolute non-importation of teas subject to tax. The East India Company consignees, who were present at the meeting, received the thanks and applause of the assembly when they promised not to accept the tea.

 

If this had been the full extent of the meeting’s historical importance, it would be an interesting, but hardly remarkable event. Strangely enough, however, the present government of the state of South Carolina traces its lineage to this anti-tea rally. As historian David Duncan Wallace points out, the colonial Assembly was the predecessor, but not the parent of the modern legislature. The meeting of December 3 led without a break to subsequent meetings and then to the General Committee, the Provincial Congresses, and finally the state General Assembly.


http://www.oldexchange.com/html/history.html

December 22, 1773. Robert Dalway Haliday, the collector of customs for Charlestown, had the tea shipment seized, unloaded, and stored in the warehouse under the Exchange for non-payment of duties. Since the consignees refused to receive the tea, it became liable to seizure by the crown after twenty days in port. A second meeting of the citizens on December 17 had resolved that the tea should not be landed, and Captain Curling received several anonymous letters threatening damage to his ship unless it was moved away from the wharf. When Lieutenant Governor William Bull was informed of the threats, he called an emergency meeting of the Council at his home. The sheriff was instructed by the lieutenant governor to assist the collector of customs if necessary, and to arrest anyone who attempted to obstruct the landing of the tea. Accordingly, the customs officers began moving the chests into the Exchange warehouse at sunrise on December 22, and at noon their task was almost finished. The patriots were taken completely by surprise, but they declared themselves satisfied as long as the unpopular merchandise remained under lock and key.

 

The tea remained in the Exchange until the government of the province fell into the hands of the patriots, and it was sold in 1776 to provide funds for defense against the British.

 

Unlike the Boston Tea Party protest in which tea was thrown overboard, a large shipment of tea was seized in 1773 and held in the cellar of the Old Exchange until 1776 when it was sold for funds to defend against the British.

 

T 1/509/178?
1029
1033:
Cruising Vessels under the direction of the Board of Excise for Suppressing Smuggling Etc

A Brigantine the Royal Charlotte

Duncan Aire Commander /annum                                  50
1st Mate                                                      40
2nd Mate                                                      25
A Commander of a detached boat                                25
A Carpenter                                                   22-16
A Boatswain                                                   20
A Gunner                                                      18
24 men at £15 pa each                                         360
32 men’s subsistence of 9.75d per day                         474-10
                                                   1060-6

A sloop the Royal George
John Ogilvie Commander per annum                              50
1st mate                                                      40

2nd mate                                                      25
A clerk                                                       25
A Carpenter                                                   22-16
A Boatswain                                                   20
A Gunner                                                      18
19 men at £15 pa                                              285
26 men’s subsistence and 9.75d/day             385-10-7.5
                                               871-6-7.5

A Brigantine the Princess Royal

John Macpherson Commander /annum                              50
1st Mate                                                      40
2nd Mate                                                      25
3rd Mate                                                      25
A Clerk                                                       25
A Carpenter                                                   22-16
A Boatswain                                                   20
A Gunner                                                      18
42 men at £15 pa each                                         630
50 men’s subsistence of 9.75d per day          741-18-1.5
                                              1599-4-1.5

James Ramsay Agent Correspondent to the Yachts                60
Adam Pearson his Clerk                                        40
John Hepburn Accomptant                                       25
                                                              125




1038
T 1/461/257-258
Dr Sir,

by the best Information I can get from Grenada, I am pretty certain that neither the Generall, Chief Judge or any other officers, have lately received any of their Salaries, on Account of the Capitation tax not being paid. And what confirms me in this opinion is my having received Letters, with Directions to apply to the Treasury on this Subject.
A have the Honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obd Servt
Richd Maitland
Mark lane,
11 Nov 1767.

to Thos Bradshaw, Esq.       (257 in pencil)

PRO 20/29/3/5 17
1039
Granville Papers
17

Provincial Georgia::
Sir James Wright in his letter of the 1st Febry, acquaints Lord Dartmouth, that he had met the Assembly in January, expecting their being allowed to sit would have prevented their sending Deputies to the General Congress, in which he was disappointed. That the Carolinians had set every Engine to work to draw the Georgians into their Marines?, and threatened Blood and Devastation if they refused; which, had raised the Spirits of the factions, and those who were well disposed were born away by the Torrent of Party.  That he had reason to think there was a Design to seize upon him as a Hostage for such of the Faction as might be taken up for their treasonable practices, but that
1040
at present the people behave towards him with decency, yet complains of a total want of Land and naval forces.
     In his Letter of the 24 Febry he gives and account of a Riot at Savannah, in consequence of the Collector having seized several Hogsheads of Sugar and Molasses, and set a watch to guard them; that a Number of armed people came to beat the Watch away, (one of whom, fell overboard and was drowned), and carried off the Hogsheads.
The Governor had issued a Proclamation upon the occasion which had no other effect than exposing the weakness of Gover’t.
  Before these  Advices were rec’d Lord Dartmouth had in his Dispatch of the 1st Febry acquainted Sir James Wright, that orders were given to Admiral
1041
Graves to station a Sloop of War at Savannah, and to Gener’l Gage to send a Detachment of 100 Men from St Augustine.
    Sir James on the 24th April write, that by his Management the departure of the three Deputies appointed by the Assembly to join the intended Congress at Philadelphia was delayed. That the Carolinians continue to threaten to cut the throats of the People of Georgia, if any Blood was spilt in New England, which extravagant Idea he thinks flows from the Congressional Resolve of making Reprisals. He speaks of a few Fanatics in the Parish of Saint John’s who had sent a Deputy to the Congress, and states the necessity of sending him some Soldiers, as well as Powder to supply the Indians.
                                                     525
1042
In his Letter of the 12th May he says, that the night before the King’s Gunpowder Magazine was robbed of about 600 lbs of Powder, and that not more than 300 lbs remained of the King’s, and about the same amount of the Merchants.
   That he had issued a Proclamation with reward for discovering the Offenders, but had no hope of its success. That things wore a gloomy Aspect, and he has no prospect of a change for the better.
   On 25th May he says the people were thrown into a great ferment by the account of the Skirmish near Boston of the 19th April accompanied with copies of this Letter laid before Parliament which had been very
1043
prejudicial to himself and the King’s affairs. That now a few Soldiers would only serve to irritate the people, as there is an appearance throughout the Colonies of a Spirit of universal Rebellion, and therefore declines to make use of the order he had received from General Gage for the Detachment of the 100 men from St Augustine. That his only hope is in the Moderation of the Continental Congress.
   In his Letter of the 9th June he thinks his Life is exposed to danger, and fears Georgia will be invaded by the People of Carolina, and therefore begs his Majesty’s permission to return home in the Spring. That several proscribed friends to Govern’t had been required to quit the Province in a few days and on the 17th
                                              526
1044
he writes that 3 or 400 Liberty folkd had assembled to drive off the proscribed persons, some of whom had departed and others pacified the Mob. That it had been debated to shut up the Courts of Justice, but that Design was laid aside for some time. They had entered into an Association and adopted the Resolve of the continental Congress without Opposition from the Friends of Government, who finding no Support were afraid to be exposed to the insults of the Rabble, that the Council were of opinion that no public notice should be taken of their illegal practices, as it would only serve to expose the Weakness of Government, and exasperate the People. And he states in another Letter of the same date the
1045
necessity of having a Body of 500 Men to restore Government with a Fortress erected on the Common suitable to contain them. He says they pretended to have account of Mr Stuart endeavouring to bring down the Cherokees upon the Inhabitants, and under that colour they had resolved to raise 300 men. That Mr Stuart had been pursued by armes Boats from Carolina, but had effected his Escape, and that the Boat has pillaged a Ship coming into Savannah of a quantity of Gunpowder she had on board for the Indian Trade

(ie the Phillippa)

Lord Dartmouth having learned that Admiral Graves had not sent a Sloop to Georgia in his Letter of the 2nd Aug’t acquaints Governor Wright that the Admiralty had
                                                    527
Orders to send one of His Majesty’s Ships of War hence to the Mouth of the Savannah River, and at the same time sends Him the King’s Leave to return to England
In his Letter of the 8th July he says, that a number of people carried away some of the King’s Guns and Carriages from Savannah; that the Commer in Charlestown, or Council of Safety, had appointed 3 managers of Indian Affairs in the Creek Country and 3 in the Cherokee Country. That the party who had boarded the Ship had taken about 6 Tons of Gunpowder and opined the Letter returning such as they did not find for their purpose to keep.
     Upon receipt of these advices, Mr Pownell in the absence
1047
of Lord Dartmouth in a Letter of 4th October gives the Governor to hope, that an Expedition in the open part of the Winter might possibly effect a Change in the State of Affairs in Georgia, and therefore that the friends of Government should not despair; and sends several Gazettes containing Addresses to the King from several Counties expressing the Resolution to support His Majesty in extinguishing the Rebellion in America. Mr Pownall likewise acquaints the Governor that the Packets are changed to Advice Boats, as occasion requires, and that Admiral Graves will give facility
                                           528
1048
to the Conveyance of public Dispatches.
The Provincial Congress having met, the Governor says, in his Letter of the 18th July, that they had charged him with not allowing the Assembly to sit, and with having misrepresented the State of the Province, and that he had laid their Address before the Council, who had refuted their Charges; that the Assembly becoming refractory and proceeding without Order, the Governor by Advice of the Council , thought fit to prorogue them; that two Persons from Charles town and of the Council of Safety there, had prevailed on the Congress to
1049
let them have 5000~weight of the Gunpowder, when out of the Ship, which they carried away with them and a Brass field piece belonging to His Majesty; that he understands the Congress have agreed to send the Indians 2000 weight of Gunpowder as a present from the people, not from the King and Government, which he fears may have a bad tendency. That they had appointed a Council of Safety who had proposed to raise 350 Men, but, it was carried in the Negative. That Carolina offered to assist them with 1000 Men.
                                               529
He
1050
He says in his Letter of 29th July, that the Council of Safety had forbid the Rector of the Parish, (who had disobliged them by not officiating on their fast day.) to preach in the Church; that the Mob had tarred and feathered Mr Hopkins a Pilot, for having spoken disrespectfully of the Congress: that the Delegates were gone to Philadelphia and that he Committee admitted Vessels, or made them depart, as they pleased: that issued £10000 in Paper bills for defraying the Charges of their Military and Committees. One McCarthy having been committed to Gaol by the Chief Justice for inlisting Men to
1051
serve against the King, he was released by the Mob, who, after taking possession of the public Magazine, set a guard of 20 Men over it. And by threat and menaces compelled many people to sign the Association; Under pretence of the Militia chusing their own Officers
they had attempted to wrest the Command of the Militia out of the hands of the Governor. In his Letter of the 27th August, he gives a further detail of the rebellious proceed of the People. That they had appointed one Sheftall, a Jew, Chairman of the parochial Committee, who had taken upon
                                                530
him
1052
to issue Orders to the Captains of Vessels in the most despotic manner. And that the Rebels assuming uncontroulable Authority treat the few friends of Government they cannot force into their Association with great Barbarity.
1053
1. Précis of letters from lord Dartmouth to the Plantations General 7 feb- 4 Oct (1775)
2. 13 Feb-24 July (1775), Précis of correspondence between Lord Dartmouth and Mr Grey Johnson (Superintendent of Indian Affairs) and Mr John Stuart
3. 20 january – 16 October 1775 Minutes of Lord Dartmouth’s correspondence into other Officers and King’s servants.
4  1st Feb-15 Oct 1775 Advices and communications to Lord Dartmouth from other offices.
5 18 Nov 1774-25 Sept 1775  Précis of correspondence between Governor Carleton and Lord Dartmouth on the affairs at Quebec.
6 30 Oct-20 Aug 1775 Précis of correspondence between General Gage and Lord Dartmouth (Massachusetts Bay)
7. Précis of correspondence between Governor Wentworth and Lord Dartmouth (New Hampshire)
8. 1st March-7 Aug 1775  Précis of correspondence between Liet Governor Colden, Governor Tryon and Lord Dartmouth (New York)
9. 6 Dec (1774)-12 july (1775) Précis of correspondence between governor Franklin and Lord Dartmouth (New Jersey)
10 14 March-2 Aug (1775) Précis of correspondence between Lord Dumore and Lord Dartmouth (Virginia)
11 30 Dec 1774-5 July 1775 Précis of correspondence between Deputy Governor Eden and Lord Dartmouth (Maryland)
12 6 Dec 1774-5 Sept 1775 Précis of correspondence between Deputy Governor Perrin and Lord Dartmouth (Pennsylvania)
13 3 jan 1775-3 july (1775) Précis of correspondence between Governor Wonton and Lord Dartmouth (Rhode Island)
14  10 March 1775 Précis of correspondence between Governor Trimbull and Lord Dartmouth (Connecticut)
15 7 Apr-15 Spet (1775) Précis of correspondence between Governor Martin and Lord Dartmouth (N Carolina)
16 20 jan- 20 jul (1775) Précis of correspondence between Lieut Governor Bull and Lord Dartmouth (S Carolina)
17 1 feb – 29 July (1775) Précis of correspondence between Sir James Wright and Lord Dartmouth (Georgia)

 


7.  Changes:


14/3/2008: edited and Jamaica visit results.
21/6/2008: added Admiralty dispatches, intro.
17/10/2008: Richard Maitland issue etc.
3/12/2008: More on Richard Maitland
19/1/2010: small changes
10/4/2011: Combined Pro Docs ref Savannah
17/1/2013: Small changes